Inmate Rights: The justice system is now holding Municipalities Accountable when they fail to protect their Inmates.

When municipalities take inmates into custody, they assume a responsibility to protect them from sexual assault. But this responsibility means little if the justice system is unwilling to hold municipalities accountable when they fail to protect their inmates. When municipalities are not held to account, measures like PREA, enacted to eliminate sexual assault in jails and prisons, are reduced to little more than a perfunctory policy for correctional staff to sign, then freely disregard.

2023 WI 2

Rachel Slabey, Plaintiff-Appellant-Petitioner,
v.
Dunn County, Wisconsin, Dennis P. Smith, Brenda LaForte, Marshall L. Multhauf and Paul Gunness, Defendants-Respondents,
Dunn County Sheriff’s Office, Ryan Boigenzahn, John Doe One, John Doe Two and John Doe Three, Defendants,
Wisconsin County Mutual Insurance Corporation, Intervenor.

No. 2020AP877.

Supreme Court of Wisconsin.Oral Argument: October 10, 2022.Opinion Filed: January 18, 2023.

Appeal from Circuit Court, Dunn County, Maureen D. Boyle, Judge.

REVIEW of a decision of the Court of Appeals. Affirmed. Reported at 399 Wis. 2d 323, 964 N.W.2d 549 (year — unpublished)

For the plaintiff-appellant-petitioner, there were briefs filed by Cristina M. Wirth, Martha H. Heidt, and Bye, Goff & Rohde, Ltd., River Falls. There was an oral argument by Cristina M. Wirth.

For the defendants-respondents, there was a brief filed by Samuel C. Hall, Jr., Timothy M. Johnson, Molly K. Woodford, and Crivello Carlson, S.C., Eau Claire. There was an oral argument by Samuel C. Hall, Jr..

An amicus curiae brief was filed by Mark L. Thomsen, Lynn R. Laufenberg, Kimberly D. Sweatt, and Gingras, Thomsen & Wachs, LLP, Madison, and James D. Rogers and Wisconsin Association for Justice, Madison, for the Wisconsin Association for Justice.

ZIEGLER, C.J., delivered the majority opinion of the Court, in which ROGGENSACK, REBECCA GRASSL BRADLEY, DALLET, and HAGEDORN, JJ., joined. KAROFSKY, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which ANN WALSH BRADLEY, J., joined.

ANNETTE KINGSLAND ZIEGLER, C.J.

¶1 This is a review of an unpublished decision of the court of appeals, Slabey v. Dunn County, No. 2020AP877, unpublished slip op. (Wis. Ct. App. July 7, 2021), affirming the Dunn County circuit court’s[1] order granting summary judgment in favor of Dunn County on Rachel Slabey’s claim under 42 U.S.C. § 1983. We affirm.

¶2 Slabey argues that her § 1983 claim against Dunn County survives summary judgment because she presented evidence sufficient for a reasonable jury to find that Dunn County[2] violated her rights under the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution when then-Dunn County Correctional Officer Ryan Boigenzahn sexually assaulted her. According to Slabey, Dunn County is liable because the “County was deliberately indifferent to a substantial risk of harm to Slabey by failing to thoroughly investigate, appropriately discipline, and adequately supervise Boigenzahn.” Slabey argues that the circuit court erroneously granted Dunn County summary judgment and that the court of appeals erred in affirming that result.

¶3 We conclude that Slabey’s § 1983 claim against Dunn County fails because, under Monell v. Department of Social Services, 436 U.S. 658 (1978), no reasonable fact finder could conclude that Dunn County was the causal, moving force behind the sexual assault. A § 1983 plaintiff suing a municipality for a constitutional deprivation must prove that the municipality caused—that is, was the moving force behind—the constitutional deprivation. This requires evidence “that the municipal action was taken with `deliberate indifference’ as to its known or obvious consequences.” Bd. of Cnty. Comm’rs of Bryan Cnty. v. Brown, 520 U.S. 397, 407 (1997) (quoting City of Canton v. Harris, 489 U.S. 378, 388 (1989)). Here, there is insufficient evidence demonstrating Dunn County acted with deliberate indifference to a known or obvious consequence that Boigenzahn would sexually assault Slabey. The circuit court was correct to grant Dunn County summary judgment on Slabey’s § 1983 constitutional deprivation claim. We affirm the court of appeals.

I. FACTUAL BACKGROUND AND PROCEDURAL POSTURE

¶4 Ryan Boigenzahn began working as a correctional officer (“CO”) at the Dunn County Jail in April 2011. As part of his training, Dunn County required Boigenzahn to attend the Jail Academy at Nicolet College. There, Boigenzahn took a month-long, 160-hour course where, according to Boigenzahn, he learned “what it is to be a corrections officer in the state of Wisconsin.” Boigenzahn was also required to participate in the course’s Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003 (“PREA”)[3] training. Boigenzahn admitted during his deposition that he “learn[ed] through that training . . . that sexual contact between inmates and prisoners was” prohibited by law. He passed the training course, and he received his certification from the Law Enforcement Standards Board in June 2012. Boigenzahn worked third shift at the jail as a CO, which was from 10:30 p.m. to 7:00 a.m.

¶5 Dunn County also required Boigenzahn to review and certify that he reviewed all Dunn County policies, including the County’s fraternization, sexual misconduct, and PREA policies. Boigenzahn signed these policies, stating, “I certify that I have read, understand, and will comply with the policies. . . .” Dunn County’s fraternization policy includes, in relevant part:

Employees of the Dunn County Sheriff’s Office shall not:

a. Have a relationship with an inmate/prisoner or the spouse of an inmate/prisoner under the supervision or custody of the Dunn County Jail, for one year after their release.

b. Have a relationship with individuals whom the employee knows is [sic] incarcerated in a state correctional facility or a county jail other than the Dunn County Jail, or under the supervision of the Wisconsin Department of Corrections (Probation/Parole), or for one year after their release.

c. Have personal contacts that are usually one-to-one such as dating, knowingly form close friendships, correspond without an exception granted or have visits that are not job related, for a period of one year after their release.

d. Accept or give gifts, provide services in exchange for work performed, for one year after their release.

e. Encourage or allow to occur, the exchange of personal or departmental information between the employee and an inmate.

The sexual misconduct/PREA policy prohibits all staff, including COs like Boigenzahn, from engaging in sexual misconduct, which the policy defines as follows:

Sexual Misconduct is any behavior or act of a sexual nature directed toward an inmate, detainee, victim, witness, or complainant by any employee, volunteer, vendor, contractor, visitor or agency representative.

1. This includes acts or attempts to commit such acts including, but not limited to, sexual assault, sexual abuse, sexual harassment, sexual contact, conduct of a sexual nature or implication, obscenity and unreasonable or unnecessary invasion of privacy.

2. Sexual misconduct also includes, but is not limited to, conversations or correspondence that suggests a romantic or sexual relationship involving any person mentioned above.

3. Sexual misconduct is not limited to unwanted sexual contact. Sexual misconduct is also a range of behaviors or situations that include inappropriate remarks, sexualized name-calling, correspondence, conversations, inappropriate displays, fondling, inappropriate viewing, and sexual contact with individuals vulnerable to the authority of the justice system or any other person in a work setting. Such acts are inappropriate in a work setting and presumed to be unwelcome.

4. Romantic relationships between supervisors and those under their supervision are presumed to be coercive and may be deemed sexual harassment or misconduct.

Dunn County’s sexual misconduct/PREA policy also requires staff to report and investigate all alleged violations:

A. Reporting Requirements

1. Any employee or staff member who knows or reasonably suspects that any employee may be or has been involved in sexual misconduct is required to inform the Jail Captain. To protect the reputations and integrity of all persons engaged in such a process, including the accuser, the accused, and the alleged victim, all such reports shall be dealt with as matters of highest discretion both before and after they have been submitted to appropriate authorities.

. . . .

4. Upon receiving a report of possible sexual misconduct or harassment, the Jail Captain shall notify the Chief Deputy. The Chief Deputy shall in turn notify the Sheriff and other Command Staff as appropriate and needed.

B. Investigation

1. All reported violations of sexual misconduct, including sexual assault and harassment, will be investigated and, as warranted, will be resolved through appropriate disciplinary processes and/or criminal proceedings in accordance with applicable state and federal laws.

Dunn County requires all staff, including COs like Boigenzahn, to regularly complete policy reviews. According to Boigenzahn’s training log, he completed at least eight reviews of the County’s fraternization, sexual misconduct, or PREA policies. After each policy review, Boigenzahn certified that he read and understood the policy.

¶6 On July 31, 2015, a CO informed Sergeant Michael Owens that inmate J.W.B. expressed that staff needed to “keep a close eye on [the] `male COs.'” Sergeant Owens immediately began investigating. He first interviewed J.W.B. During the interview, J.W.B. said that she observed Boigenzahn passing notes between inmates on July 28, 2015. Sergeant Owens also “asked her if one of [the] officers was developing a relationship with an inmate.” J.W.B. said “no, nothing like that.” Sergeant Owens also reviewed surveillance footage of the alleged incident and recorded phone conversations between the inmates suspected of note-passing. He discovered no evidence of misconduct and determined “[t]he allegation [was] not supported on a factual basis.” Sergeant Owens recorded the results of his investigation in a report and, according to County policy, forwarded that report to his supervisor.

¶7 On August 6, 2015, a different inmate, B.M., said to Sergeant Douglas Ormson that “she actually had a lot of respect for the staff at the Jail, except for one person who she felt was in danger of `crossing the line.'” Sergeant Ormson asked B.M. who she was referring to and to elaborate. B.M. identified Boigenzahn and said he “was too chummy with some of the females.” B.M. said she saw another inmate, A.D., “playfully slap[] Officer Boigenzahn on the chest,” and that A.D. and Boigenzahn “talked quite a bit.” Sergeant Ormson asked B.M. “if she felt that anything else had happened.” B.M. said “she didn’t think so, but she felt that if there was an opportunity where there were no cameras around she felt something might happen.” B.M. also told Sergeant Ormson how “all the females in the Jail talk about that, and about [Boigenzahn’s] willingness to talk to them,” and how Boigenzahn “maybe liked the attention from the females.” Sergeant Ormson “asked her again if she had witnessed anything sexual or even heard any rumors about that type of relationship,” and B.M. said she hadn’t “but again said her feeling was that was a possibility if things progressed.” B.M. said she “knows that there is a `bright line’ that staff aren’t supposed to cross” and felt “if Officer Boigenzahn hasn’t already crossed that line that he is getting dangerously close to doing it.”

¶8 The next day, Sergeant Ormson discussed this matter with Sergeant Owens, who stated he heard similar allegations, and Sergeant Rachel Vold. The three decided that Sergeant Vold would review surveillance footage to investigate the allegations. Sergeant Vold reviewed two weeks of surveillance footage and found two concerning instances. On July 29, 2015, while delivering medications to inmates, Boigenzahn “playfully reach[ed] out his foot to step on [A.D.]’s foot.” On August 6, 2015, again while delivering medications, Boigenzahn “gesture[d] with his head as if motioning someone to come in his direction, and also with his right arm. [A.D.] then [came] running over to him. . . . [A]s she walk[ed] away she brush[ed] him with her hand on his shoulder/chest area.” Pursuant to Dunn County policy, Sergeant Vold forwarded this information to the Jail Captain on August 10, 2015. The Jail Captain told Sergeant Vold to interview A.D., which she did later that day.

¶9 During that interview, Sergeant Vold informed A.D. that “at no time should there ever be any sort of contact with an officer, male or female, whatsoever.” Sergeant Vold “went on to ask [A.D.] if there [were] any instances where she felt uncomfortable [because of] any male or female officer.” A.D. said that Boigenzahn made her feel uncomfortable. A.D. reported that three months prior, she and Boigenzahn “accidentally bumped hands” and that A.D. “pulled her hand back, where [Boigenzahn] then responded that it was alright[;] he didn’t mind.” A.D. “went on to say that other female inmates . . . told her [Boigenzahn] seems to be `obsessed’ with her and that they have observed him standing and watching her sleep.” Sergeant Vold asked A.D. “if there were any other instances or officers that made her feel uncomfortable, to which she responded no.”

¶10 Later that same day, the Jail Captain and the Dunn County Chief Deputy interviewed Boigenzahn regarding these allegations. Boigenzahn initially denied passing notes between inmates, but he admitted to doing so once the Jail Captain and Chief Deputy reminded Boigenzahn that he could be terminated for lying. Boigenzahn said he made a “dumb mistake passing the note and it w[ould] not happen again.” They also showed Boigenzahn the videos of him and A.D., but he denied that there was any inappropriate conduct. The Jail Captain and Chief Deputy further discussed “policy violations, co-worker mistrust, and inmates who now think there is a relationship between [A.D.] and CO Boigenzahn.” Boigenzahn explained that he “tries to gain rapport or cooperation with inmates but now sees that he needs to be sterner.”

¶11 Pursuant to Dunn County policy, the matter was then brought to the Dunn County Sheriff. Based on the results of the investigation, the Sheriff decided that Boigenzahn violated Dunn County’s policies which prohibited fraternization and unbecoming conduct. The Sheriff decided to impose discipline. The available options were performance counseling, oral reprimand, written reprimand, unpaid suspension, and termination. The Sheriff initially “was planning on terminating [Boigenzahn]. But [he thought that Boigenzahn] really had been a pretty good jailer on a lot of other notes, . . . so the decision was made to give him a three-day suspension and try and say wake up.” Accordingly, on August 26, 2015, Dunn County suspended Boigenzahn for three days without pay. When communicating the Sheriff’s disciplinary decision, the Chief Deputy warned Boigenzahn:

I expect you will take this opportunity to correct your improper conduct in the future, fully meet the duties and responsibilities required of you and observe all the rules and procedures of your job. If you fail to do so, you will subject yourself to further disciplinary action, including discharge and termination of your employment with the County.

Boigenzahn returned to work on August 29, 2015. The Sheriff also considered moving Boigenzahn to the day shift so he could be under greater supervision because more staff worked that shift, but the Sheriff decided against this because “it would affect somebody on day shift that would be bumped off from that shift and forced onto the night shift.”

¶12 About nine months later, in May 2016, inmate A.D. reported to Sergeant Vold that Boigenzahn again acted inappropriately. She stated that Boigenzahn frequently contacted inmate B.S. A.D. stated that on one occasion Boigenzahn accepted a note that was sexual in nature from B.S. Surveillance footage showed that on April 17, 2016, at 2:32 a.m., Boigenzahn spent 12 minutes out of camera view and near B.S.’s bunk. Boigenzahn later admitted that he did receive the note from B.S. On May 19, 2016, the County placed Boigenzahn on administrative leave, and on May 31, 2016, he was terminated.

¶13 About one month after Dunn County terminated Boigenzahn, on June 27, 2016, inmate Slabey was heard saying, “[Boigenzahn] must have stuck his hand down somebody else’s pants, too.” According to Slabey, she said this “jokingly.” Investigator Dan Westlund, however, who was at the jail to interview Slabey regarding an unrelated matter, overheard Slabey’s remark. He immediately reported what he heard to the Jail Captain. Pursuant to County policy, the Jail Captain called her supervisor, the Chief Deputy, and the matter was reported to the Sheriff. The Sheriff requested that an outside agency investigate Slabey’s allegations. The Menomonie Police Department then investigated the allegations against Boigenzahn.

¶14 The criminal investigation regarding Slabey’s statement revealed that on March 25, 2016, about seven months after Boigenzahn was first disciplined by the County, he sexually assaulted Slabey. Boigenzahn entered the Huber Dorm[4] and talked with Slabey and her bunkmate. Slabey was on the top bunk in a location that was apparently out of camera view.[5] According to Slabey, she “made a comment [to Boigenzahn] about do you ever get in trouble. . . . And he’s like yeah, I’ve gotten in trouble before, he’s like, but I can — pretty much saying he didn’t care, you know.” It is undisputed that during this time, Boigenzahn began touching Slabey and put his hand down her pants. Slabey told Boigenzahn, “no,” and he pulled his hand out. According to Slabey, Boigenzahn said, “you’re not going to tell on me, are you. . . . And [Slabey] told him no, I’m not going to tell on you.” Radio checks were typically conducted after ten minutes of not hearing from a CO on rounds and, according to Boigenzahn, he did receive a radio check the night of the assault. There was however no radio check during the 45 minutes Boigenzahn was with Slabey and her bunkmate. Boigenzahn was charged and subsequently convicted and sentenced to prison for second-degree sexual assault by correctional staff contrary to Wis. Stat. § 940.225(2)(h) (2016-17).

¶15 Notably, it was just two days prior to the sexual assault that, pursuant to Dunn County policy, Boigenzahn had attended a legal update session that included PREA training. Boigenzahn admitted that, at the time of the sexual assault, he knew it was against state law, against County policy, and against PREA.

¶16 On November 15, 2017, Slabey commenced this action against Dunn County under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, alleging that the County violated her rights under the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution.[6] Dunn County moved for summary judgment, arguing that it was not liable under § 1983 because “the County did not act with deliberate indifference to [Slabey’s] safety,” “there is no evidence upon which a jury could find a Dunn County policy, custom, or practice violated her constitutional rights,” and “[Slabey’s] substantive due process rights were not violated by the County.” Slabey opposed summary judgment, arguing that there are “sufficient facts to support a jury finding [of] deliberate indifference” and that “Dunn County’s informal custom/policy of ignoring dangers to female inmates caused Slabey’s [sexual] assault.”

¶17 The circuit court held a hearing on Dunn County’s motion and subsequently issued a written decision granting Dunn County summary judgment. The court concluded, “There is no evidence that [Dunn County’s] training practices were constitutionally deficient and that the County was aware of the deficiency and failed to abate the deficiency.”

¶18 Slabey appealed the circuit court’s order. The court of appeals affirmed, concluding there is “no evidence upon which a reasonable fact finder could rely to conclude [Dunn County was] deliberately indifferent to a substantial risk that Boigenzahn would sexually assault an inmate.” Slabey, No. 2020AP877, ¶1.

¶19 Slabey petitioned this court for review, which we granted.

II. STANDARD OF REVIEW

¶20 “We independently review a grant or denial of summary judgment, applying the same method as the circuit court.” Hoida, Inc. v. M&I Midstate Bank, 2006 WI 69, ¶15, 291 Wis. 2d 283, 717 N.W.2d 17. “While our review is independent from the circuit court and court of appeals, we benefit from their analyses,” both of which concluded that summary judgment is appropriate. DSG Evergreen Fam. Ltd. P’ship v. Town of Perry, 2020 WI 23, ¶15, 390 Wis. 2d 533, 939 N.W.2d 564. “We will affirm a grant of summary judgment when there are no genuine issues of material fact and the moving party is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” Baumeister v. Automated Prods., Inc., 2004 WI 148, ¶11, 277 Wis. 2d 21, 690 N.W.2d 1. “A factual issue is `genuine’ if the evidence is such that a reasonable jury could return a verdict in favor of the non-moving party.” Midwest Neurosciences Assocs., LLC v. Great Lakes Neurosurgical Assocs., LLC, 2018 WI 112, ¶80, 384 Wis. 2d 669, 920 N.W.2d 767.

III. ANALYSIS

¶21 The parties do not dispute that Slabey suffered a constitutional deprivation because she was sexually assaulted by Boigenzahn.[7] The issue in this case is not whether Boigenzahn committed a sexual assault. He did, and what he did to Slabey was terribly wrong. But a claim against Boigenzahn is not the claim we analyze today. Whether Dunn County is liable to Slabey under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 is an altogether separate legal inquiry. In analyzing that issue, we must consider the exacting standards set forth in Monell, 436 U.S. 658. In short, Slabey asserts that “Dunn County was deliberately indifferent to a substantial risk of harm to Slabey by failing to thoroughly investigate, appropriately discipline, and adequately supervise Boigenzahn.”[8]

¶22 Because the only issue before us is whether Dunn County is liable to Slabey under § 1983, we must analyze the standards outlined in Monell. We begin with an overview of municipal liability under § 1983. See Monell, 436 U.S. 658. Specifically, the causation requirement in Monell is dispositive. We then conclude that Slabey failed to demonstrate that Dunn County’s action or inaction was the moving force behind her constitutional deprivation. Because Slabey cannot demonstrate the requisite causation, we need not analyze the other criteria of a municipality’s liability in a § 1983 claim under Monell.

A. Monell Liability Generally

¶23 Unlike any liability that may exist for an individual like Boigenzahn, in order for a municipality to be liable in a 42 U.S.C. § 1983 action, the plaintiff must demonstrate that she can satisfy the exacting standards set forth by Monell. Under § 1983,

Every person who, under color of any statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or usage, of any State or Territory or the District of Columbia, subjects, or causes to be subjected, any citizen of the United States or other person within the jurisdiction thereof to the deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws, shall be liable to the party injured. . . .

In Monell, 436 U.S. 658, the United States Supreme Court interpreted “person” within the meaning of § 1983 as including local governing bodies. Monell involved public employees whose employers “had as a matter of official policy compelled pregnant employees to take unpaid leaves of absence before such leaves were required for medical reasons.” Id. at 660-61. The employees sued the Department of Social Services and Board of Education of the City of New York for damages under § 1983. Id. at 660-62. The Court held that the employees could sue these local governing units:

Congress did intend municipalities and other local government units to be included among those persons to whom § 1983 applies. Local governing bodies, therefore, can be sued directly under § 1983 for monetary, declaratory, or injunctive relief where, as here, the action that is alleged to be unconstitutional implements or executes a policy statement, ordinance, regulation, or decision officially adopted and promulgated by that body’s officers.

Id. at 690 (footnotes and emphasis omitted).

¶24 However, the Court also explained that “Congress did not intend municipalities to be held liable unless action pursuant to official municipal policy of some nature caused a constitutional tort.” Id. at 691. “[A] municipality cannot be held liable solely because it employs a tortfeasor—or, in other words, a municipality cannot be held liable under § 1983 on a respondeat superior theory.” Id. (emphasis omitted). “Instead, it is when execution of a government’s policy or custom, whether made by its lawmakers or by those whose edicts or acts may fairly be said to represent official policy, inflicts the injury that the government as an entity is responsible under § 1983.” Id. at 694. Monell and its progeny thus require a plaintiff to satisfy each of the following to prove municipal liability under § 1983: (1) “identify a municipal `policy’ or `custom’ that caused the plaintiff’s injury”; (2) “the municipal action was taken with the requisite degree of culpability”; and (3) there is “a direct causal link between the municipal action and the deprivation of federal rights.” Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 403-04. Because this case is resolved on the third requirement, causation, we need not address the first two.

B. Section 1983 Causation Under Monell.

¶25 To prevail in her claim under 42 U.S.C. § 1983 against Dunn County, Slabey must demonstrate that the County caused her constitutional deprivation. Slabey argues that causation is satisfied because (1) “Dunn County failed to thoroughly investigate claims that Boigenzahn’s conduct would cross a line”; (2) “Dunn County failed to appropriately discipline Boigenzahn in light of the clear risk of harm that his conduct posed to inmates generally and Rachel Slabey specifically”; and (3) Dunn County “failed to properly supervise Boigenzahn to prevent any further escalation of his misconduct.” Slabey argues that these acts of the County caused her constitutional deprivation because they “caused Boigenzahn’s conduct to escalate to Slabey’s assault.”

¶26 “Where a plaintiff claims that the municipality has not directly inflicted an injury, but nonetheless has caused an employee to do so, rigorous standards of . . . causation must be applied to ensure that the municipality is not held liable solely for the actions of its employee.” Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 405. Monell requires plaintiffs to “demonstrate a direct causal link between the municipal action and the deprivation of federal rights.” Id. at 397. “[M]ere `but-for’ causation is insufficient.” Harte v. Bd. of Comm’rs, 864 F.3d 1154, 1204 (10th Cir. 2017) (quoting Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 410). Rather, a plaintiff bringing a § 1983 claim under Monell must demonstrate that a municipality was not just a cause, but the “moving force” behind the constitutional deprivation. Monell, 436 U.S. at 694-95.

¶27 Monell’s causation requirement is a high bar for plaintiffs to clear. “[L]esser standards . . . would require the federal [and state] courts endlessly to `second-guess’ the wisdom of municipal [programs], a task inappropriate for the federal [and state] judiciar[ies].” Doe v. Taylor Indep. Sch. Dist., 15 F.3d 443, 453 (5th Cir. 1994) (citing City of Canton, 489 U.S. at 392). The requirement is “applied with especial rigor when the municipal policy or practice is itself not unconstitutional, for example, when the municipal liability claim is based upon inadequate training, supervision, and deficiencies in hiring.” Schneider v. City of Grand Junction Police Department, 717 F.3d 760, 770 (10th Cir. 2013) (quoting Martin A. Schwartz, Section 1983 Litigation Claims & Defenses § 7.12 (2013)). In such cases, a § 1983 plaintiff “must” prove causation by showing “that the municipal action was taken with `deliberate indifference’ as to its known or obvious consequences. A showing of simple or even heightened negligence will not suffice.” Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 407 (citation omitted). Evidence of a “pattern of tortious conduct” is typically necessary to establish that the municipal action “rather than a one-time negligent administration of the program or factors peculiar to the officer involved in a particular incident, is the `moving force’ behind the plaintiff’s injury.” Id. at 407-08 (citing City of Canton, 489 U.S. at 390-91); see also Oklahoma City v. Tuttle, 471 U.S. 808, 824 (1985) (“[W]here the policy relied upon is not itself unconstitutional, considerably more proof than the single incident will be necessary in every case to establish . . . the causal connection between the `policy’ and the constitutional deprivation.”).

¶28 Slabey acknowledges that hers is a “single incident” case because of the “absence of prior sexual assaults of female inmates by male guards.” She argues that, although the single-incident theory governs her claim, she nonetheless prevails under that theory because “Dunn County acted with deliberate indifference to a significant, obvious risk of sexual violence to all female inmates.”

¶29 Though not impossible, it is exceedingly rare that a § 1983 plaintiff under Monell can prove causation based on a single incident.[9] The United States Supreme Court first recognized the possibility of such a claim in City of Canton v. Harris, 489 U.S. 378. In City of Canton, officers failed to seek medical attention for an arrested suspect despite the suspect sitting on the floor of the patrol car, responding with “an incoherent remark” when asked if she needed medical attention, “slump[ing] to the floor on two occasions,” and lying on the floor. Id. at 381. The plaintiff argued that the officers “were not provided with any special training (beyond first-aid training) to make a determination as to when to summon medical care for an injured detainee.” Id. at 382. The Supreme Court noted that a claim based on a single incident might survive in some cases:

[I]t may happen that in light of the duties assigned to specific officers or employees the need for more or different training is so obvious, and the inadequacy so likely to result in the violation of constitutional rights, that the policymakers of the city can reasonably be said to have been deliberately indifferent to the need.

Id. at 390. In such a situation, “the need to train . . . can be said to be `so obvious,’ that failure to do so could properly be characterized as `deliberate indifference’ to constitutional rights.” Id. at 390 n.10 (citation omitted). The Supreme Court dismissed the § 1983 claim and concluded that “the evidence in the record . . . does not meet th[is] standard of § 1983 liability.” Id. at 392.

¶30 The Supreme Court again considered, but rejected, an argument that this “single-incident” theory applied in Board of Commissioners of Bryan County v. Brown, 520 U.S. 397. There, the § 1983 plaintiff argued that the municipality was liable for an officer’s use of excessive force because it failed to adequately screen the officer’s background prior to hiring him, and that such screening would have uncovered that the officer was previously “charged with assault and battery, resisting arrest, and public drunkenness.” Id. at 412-13. The Court reasoned, “[e]ven assuming without deciding that proof of a single instance of inadequate screening could ever trigger municipal liability, the evidence in this case was insufficient to support a finding that, in hiring [the officer], [the Sheriff] disregarded a known or obvious risk of injury.” Id. at 412.

¶31 The Supreme Court also considered and rejected the single-incident theory posed in Connick v. Thompson, 563 U.S. 51 (2011). In Connick a § 1983 plaintiff sued a municipality for a constitutional deprivation caused by a prosecutor’s failure to turn over exculpatory evidence. Id. at 55-56. The Court reasoned that because prosecutors already received legal training on the issue, the § 1983 plaintiff’s constitutional deprivation was not “so predictable that failing to train the prosecutors amounted to conscious disregard for defendants[].” Id. at 71 (emphasis omitted). The Court therefore concluded that this case did not fall within the “narrow range of `single-incident’ liability hypothesized in Canton as a possible exception to the pattern of violations necessary to prove deliberate indifference in § 1983 actions.”[10] Id. at 71-72.

¶32 The Tenth Circuit in Schneider v. City of Grand Junction Police Department, 717 F.3d 760, similarly rejected use of the single-incident theory in a § 1983 claim. There, an officer sexually assaulted a 911 caller while responding to the call. Id. at 763. The plaintiff argued that, in light of a prior complaint against the officer, the municipality failed to adequately investigate, discipline, and supervise the officer. Id. at 766. The court rejected each of these claims against the municipality. The court relied on the facts that the municipality “conducted the criminal investigation regarding the [prior] complaint,” and it “disciplined [the officer] with a pay cut and probation” along with a “notice of discipline [informing the officer] that his conduct was unacceptable.” Id. at 775, 777. As for the failure-to-supervise claim, the court found “no evidence that additional controls or sanctions . . . would have had any more deterrent effect than the already-present threats of discharge and criminal punishment.” Id. at 780.

¶33 Similarly, the First Circuit in Santiago v. Fenton, 891 F.2d 373, 382 (1st Cir. 1989), rejected a § 1983 claim that was based on a single incident. The officer in Santiago used excessive force against the plaintiff, who argued the municipality failed to discipline the officer for an earlier incident. Id. The court nonetheless concluded that the municipality was entitled to summary judgment on the failure-to-discipline claim and stated:

The city and the department undisputedly had a policy of investigating complaints that expressly included the disciplining of officers in appropriate circumstances. In both of these instances the department conducted an investigation and hearing but decided that discipline was not appropriate. As we have indicated before, we cannot hold that the failure of a police department to discipline in a specific instance is an adequate basis for municipal liability under Monell.

Id.

¶34 Slabey places great reliance on the Seventh Circuit’s decision in J.K.J. v. Polk County, 960 F.3d 367 (7th Cir. 2020) (en banc), where a § 1983 plaintiff succeeded on the single-incident theory.[11] In J.K.J., the Seventh Circuit concluded that Polk County, Wisconsin, acted with deliberate indifference “in the face of an obvious and known risk that its male guards would sexually assault female inmates.” Id. at 381 (emphasis omitted). That case involved two inmates at the Polk County Jail who “endured repeated sexual assaults at the hands of [a] correctional officer.” Id. at 370.

¶35 When Polk County had earlier learned of similar allegations against a different guard, it “imposed minor discipline on the guard but from there took no institutional response—no review of its policy, no training for guards, no communication with inmates on how to report such abuse, no nothing.” Id. at 370-71. The jail’s Captain “knew of sexual comments male guards made about female inmates” and “admitted to himself participating in [it].” Id. at 382. The Captain also knew that an officer’s conduct “began with watching [the inmate] shower, grew to requests to expose her body for him, and in time intensified to forcibly touching her in a sexual manner—all the while ordering her to `keep quiet.'” Id. Importantly, “with red lights flashing, Polk County chose the one unavailable option—doing nothing. It did not change its sexual abuse policy, institute a training, inquire of female inmates, or even call a staff meeting.” Id. at 383. Although Polk County did investigate and reprimand a guard for inappropriate sexual behavior, jail officials assured him that it was “not a big deal.” Id.

¶36 Unlike Polk County, this record reflects that Dunn County in fact required significant, relevant training of its officers and took nearly immediate action upon a complaint of noncompliant conduct. Dunn County thoroughly investigated the August 2015 complaint and acted in a timely manner to impose unpaid leave on the officer. Boigenzahn was sternly warned for the policy violations, which were passing notes between inmates and non-sexual physical contact with an inmate. He was warned that his behavior would not be tolerated and that he could be terminated. Leave without pay was one of the most severe options of discipline, just short of termination. When Boigenzahn returned to duty, he was required to continue training and monthly policy reviews.

¶37 Nine months had gone by with Boigenzahn working as a CO, and there was no indication of his noncompliance. The very next time the County learned that Boigenzahn was noncompliant because he had received a note from an inmate, he was terminated. In fact, unlike the facts in Polk County, Dunn County first gained knowledge of this off-camera sexual assault only after the County had already terminated Boigenzahn.

¶38 Slabey argues Dunn County acted with deliberate indifference to a known or obvious consequence that Boigenzahn would sexually assault an inmate when it “failed to thoroughly investigate claims that Boigenzahn’s conduct would cross a line,” “failed to appropriately discipline Boigenzahn in light of the clear risk of harm that his conduct posed to inmates generally and Rachel Slabey specifically,” and when it “failed to properly supervise Boigenzahn to prevent any further escalation of his misconduct.” However, this allegation in the August 2015 complaint was thoroughly investigated. The County officials reviewed two weeks of surveillance video, interviewed inmates, and concluded that Boigenzahn committed a serious violation of County policy. The evidence demonstrated that Boigenzahn passed notes between inmates and had inmate non-sexual contact. The County acted within a month from allegation to discipline. The matter did not languish. Despite several less severe options, Boigenzahn was suspended for three days without pay and sternly warned, “If you fail to [correct your improper conduct], you will subject yourself to further disciplinary action, including discharge and termination of your employment with the County.” He was also given additional PREA training two days before the assault. For about nine months after Boigenzahn returned, Dunn County had no reason to believe he was noncompliant.

¶39 Nonetheless, Slabey argues that the County should have done more and, because it did not, it caused her constitutional deprivation. In other words, she argues that the County’s deliberate indifference “caused Boigenzahn’s conduct to escalate to Slabey’s assault.” However, Slabey offers insufficient evidence of how the County was deliberately indifferent given its policies, training, investigation, discipline, and additional stern warning of termination for conduct quite unlike a sexual assault. According to Slabey, the only way to safeguard against the wrong that was done to her would be that the County should have terminated Boigenzahn, constantly supervised him, or not allowed him to have any contact with female inmates.[12] However, the record reflects that three COs worked the night shift, with two splitting up to do rounds in different parts of the Jail and the third staying in the central office.[13] Additionally, staffing restrictions prevented the County from moving Boigenzahn off the night shift. In other words, constant supervision or moving Boigenzahn were unworkable options given Dunn County’s Jail; therefore, the only acceptable option in hindsight would have been to terminate Boigenzahn for passing notes and nonsexual conduct. Accepting Slabey’s arguments would make the County liable on a respondeat superior theory, a result the Supreme Court has explicitly rejected. Monell, 436 U.S. at 691.

¶40 In short, Dunn County is entitled to summary judgment because there is insufficient evidence for a reasonable fact finder to conclude that Dunn County was the moving force behind her being sexually assaulted. Boigenzahn sexually assaulting Slabey was the result of his action, which was completely forbidden by Dunn County and the criminal law. It is hindsight alone that underlies Slabey’s causation theory. Causation in the context of a § 1983 claim requires much more. “[L]esser standards . . . would require the federal [and state] courts endlessly to `second-guess’ the wisdom of municipal [programs], a task inappropriate for the federal [and state] judiciar[ies].” Doe, 15 F.3d at 453 (citing City of Canton, 489 U.S. at 392). Taken together, these facts do not demonstrate that the known or obvious consequence of the County’s action or inaction was that Boigenzahn would sexually assault an inmate.

¶41 Overall, Slabey’s allegations do not rise to the level of a cognizable § 1983 claim against Dunn County. Just because the County could have, in hindsight, done some things differently, does not mean that the County was the moving force behind the assault. Section 1983 “does not provide plaintiffs or courts carte blanche to micromanage local governments throughout the United States.” Connick, 563 U.S. at 68. The standards of a § 1983 claim under Monell are exacting. Slabey’s claim does not survive that scrutiny.

IV. CONCLUSION

¶42 Slabey argues that her 42 U.S.C. § 1983 claim against Dunn County survives summary judgment because she presented evidence sufficient for a reasonable jury to find that Dunn County violated her rights under the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution when Boigenzahn sexually assaulted her. According to Slabey, Dunn County is liable because the “County was deliberately indifferent to a substantial risk of harm to Slabey by failing to thoroughly investigate, appropriately discipline, and adequately supervise Boigenzahn.” Slabey argues that the circuit court erroneously granted Dunn County summary judgment, and that the court of appeals erred in affirming that result.

¶43 We conclude that Slabey’s § 1983 claim against Dunn County fails because, under Monell, no reasonable fact finder could conclude that Dunn County was the causal, moving force behind the sexual assault. A § 1983 plaintiff suing a municipality for a constitutional deprivation must prove that the municipality caused—that is, was the moving force behind— the constitutional deprivation. This requires evidence “that the municipal action was taken with `deliberate indifference’ as to its known or obvious consequences.” Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 407 (quoting City of Canton, 489 U.S. at 388). Here, there is insufficient evidence that Dunn County acted with deliberate indifference to a known or obvious consequence that Boigenzahn would sexually assault Slabey. The circuit court was correct to grant Dunn County summary judgment on Slabey’s § 1983 constitutional deprivation claim. We affirm the court of appeals.

By the Court. — The decision of the court of appeals is affirmed.

JILL J. KAROFSKY, J. (dissenting).

¶44 “The confinement setting is a tinderbox for sexual abuse.” J.K.J. v. Polk Cnty., 960 F.3d 367, 381 (7th Cir. 2020).

¶45 While women are vulnerable almost everywhere in our society, they are especially at risk in correctional settings where an estimated 25 to 41 percent of incarcerated women are sexually abused. Hannah Brenner et al., Bars to Justice: The Impact of Rape Myths on Women in Prison, 17 Geo. J. Gender & L. 521, 537-38 (2016). In such settings female prisoners are dependent on guards (who are disproportionately male) for their very existence. This includes “their safety as well as their access to food, medical care, recreation and even contact with family members.” J.K.J., 960 F.3d at 381. Due to the imbalances of power, the correctional context is ripe for abuse as “[p]rison rape represents the intersection of masculine elitism and deprivations of civil rights.” Maureen Brocco, Facing the Facts: The Guarantee Against Cruel and Unusual Punishment in Light of PLRA, Iqbal, and PREA, 16 J. Gender Race & Just. 917, 917 (2013). Sexual abuse is about power and control and “this psychosocial dynamic is amplified in the prison context.” Id.

¶46 Victims of sexual abuse often confront profound physical, social, and psychological effects. These effects can be debilitating and overwhelming, and they are magnified in confinement settings. “Victims often endure great physical pain and sustain various injuries. Moreover, any episode of sexual assault could ultimately prove deadly since incarcerated victims are at an increased risk of contracting sexually transmitted and other communicable diseases such as HIV, AIDS, tuberculosis, and hepatitis B and C.” Kevin R. Corlew, Congress Attempts to Shine a Light on a Dark Problem: An In-Depth Look at the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003, 33 Am. J. Crim. L. 157, 160 (2006).

¶47 To combat the scourge of sexual assaults in the confinement setting, Congress passed the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA) in 2003. But the enactment of a law aimed at stopping prison rapes does not in and of itself put an end to sexual violence. Prisons and jails must take steps to prevent and detect sexual misconduct. And important to this case, when sexual abuse does occur, it is incumbent on the judicial system to hold to account those who are responsible in order to protect vulnerable inmates. It is here where the majority falls short. In wrongly concluding that the circuit court’s grant of summary judgment for Dunn County should be upheld, the majority allows the county to escape all responsibility for (1) ignoring clear warning signs that former Dunn County correctional officer Ryan Boigenzahn had engaged in inappropriate and escalating behavior with female inmates, and (2) creating the circumstances that allowed Boigenzahn to sexually assault Rachel Slabey while she was incarcerated in the Dunn County Jail.

I. BACKGROUND

¶48 Boigenzahn sexually assaulted Slabey[1] while she was in her bunk in the Dunn County Jail on March 25, 2016.[2] It was the middle of the night in the Huber Dorm.[3] Boigenzahn was tasked with checking the women’s dorm despite his recent suspension for violating the jail’s fraternization policy. Boigenzahn surveyed the women’s dorm alone, unmonitored, and entirely unsupervised. That night, Boigenzahn spent 45 minutes in Slabey’s dorm, an extraordinarily long time compared to the few seconds that guards usually took to check the dorm during the night. And although the Dunn County Jail practice is for the central office of the jail to conduct radio checks when an officer fails to report back to the central office after 10 minutes, no supervisor checked in on Boigenzahn during the 45 minutes he was in the dorm, despite his known history of fraternization. By all accounts, no one was monitoring Boigenzahn as he abandoned his duties to prowl around Slabey’s dorm.

¶49 The jail assigned Slabey to the only bunk in the dorm that was entirely unmonitored by security cameras, a fact both Boigenzahn and Slabey knew. Boigenzahn himself previously denied Slabey’s request to be moved to a different bunk. Additionally, the jail recently transferred Slabey from administrative segregation, causing her concern that if she did anything to “make a scene” or displease Boigenzahn, she would be transferred back. And, unsurprisingly, Slabey did not think that anyone would believe her or protect her if she spoke up and complained about Boigenzahn. In a word, Slabey was vulnerable.

¶50 Armed with the knowledge of his victim’s vulnerabilities, Boigenzahn entered the Huber Dorm, found Slabey and her bunkmate, D.S., and began talking with them. One of the topics of conversation was Boigenzahn’s reputation for spending an inappropriate amount of time with female inmates. Slabey “made a comment [to Boigenzahn] about do you ever get in trouble. . . . And [Boigenzahn was] like yeah, I’ve gotten in trouble before, he’s like, but I can—pretty much saying he didn’t care, you know.” As he was talking to the inmates, Boigenzahn began touching Slabey, first by rubbing her hand. Slabey tried to protect herself by moving away and lying down, but Boigenzahn persisted. He went after her, grabbing her pants, then her leg, then Boigenzahn shoved his hand down Slabey’s pants and inside her underwear.

¶51 While Boigenzahn was sexually assaulting her, Slabey, now completely defenseless, went silent. She did not want to call attention to his actions “because it was so quiet in there” and she “didn’t want to have a scene or have him say something like, oh, [she] did something and put [her] back in [segregation].” During the sexual assault, Slabey felt “confused,” “in shock” and “didn’t know what to do.” After sexually assaulting her, Boigenzahn asked Slabey if she would tell anyone. Slabey told him no, and soon after, Boigenzahn left the Huber Dorm.

¶52 This sexual assault did not occur without warning. It was not a freak occurrence, a force majeure that could have neither been foreseen nor prevented. Instead, sheriff’s department officials—importantly here, the Sheriff himself— first ignored the clear warning signs that Boigenzahn had already engaged in inappropriate and escalating behavior with female inmates, and then created the circumstances that allowed Boigenzahn to sexually assault Slabey.

¶53 Prior to the sexual assault, the Sheriff had ample warning that Boigenzahn was, in the words of one inmate, “dangerously close to crossing the line.” Sheriff’s department officials were first alerted to Boigenzahn’s conduct in July 2015, about eight months before the sexual assault. Inmate J.W.B. informed a correctional officer, and subsequently a jail sergeant, that officials needed to “keep a close eye on” the male correctional staff.[4] When asked for an example, J.W.B. explained that on two separate occasions, an officer passed notes between female and male inmates. J.W.B. originally refused to identify the officer in question for fear of retaliation, but upon further questioning, she identified Boigenzahn. Passing notes was a violation of the Dunn County Jail’s fraternization policy, one that historically resulted in suspension or termination. Despite the seriousness of the allegations, the sergeant only reviewed surveillance video for one of the two instances J.W.B. reported, and he failed to question Boigenzahn or the inmates directly. After this cursory investigation, the sergeant concluded that there was no factual basis for J.W.B’s claims.

¶54 About one week later, another inmate, B.M., told a different sergeant that Boigenzahn was dangerously close to “crossing the line,” and that he had been getting “too chummy” with some of the female inmates. B.M. said that she had not yet witnessed anything sexual, but she believed “that was a possibility if things progressed.” As an example, she told this sergeant that Boigenzahn had been talking with another inmate, A.D., when A.D. playfully slapped Boigenzahn on the chest. B.M. said that if there was an opportunity when there were no cameras around, “something might happen,” and “all the females in the Jail talk about that.” If Boigenzahn hadn’t already crossed the “bright line” that staff are not supposed to cross, B.M. said, “he [was] getting dangerously close to doing it.”

¶55 In response to the above reports, sheriff’s department officials reviewed surveillance footage and found two incidents that corroborated B.M.’s concerns. First, on July 29, Boigenzahn entered the Huber Dorm, stepped out of camera range for a few minutes, then stepped back into view when another officer entered the room. While the other officer was handing out breakfast, Boigenzahn reached out and “playfully” stepped on A.D.’s foot. She then stepped back on his foot. Second, on August 6, Boigenzahn entered the dorm and shut the door behind him. He gestured “as if motioning someone to come in his direction,” at which point A.D. ran over to him and “brush[ed] him with her hand on his shoulder/chest area.”

¶56 Sheriff’s department officials then questioned A.D., asking her whether any officer ever made her feel uncomfortable. A.D. “immediately” informed the officials that Boigenzahn made her feel uncomfortable and provided the following three examples. First, she described an instance where her hand and Boigenzahn’s hands accidentally touched. She pulled her hand away and apologized, but he responded that “it was alright, he didn’t mind.” Second, other inmates told her that Boigenzahn seemed to be “obsessed” with her, and they observed him standing and watching her sleep. Third, she explained that he just “lingered too long” around her. Like J.W.B., A.D. explained that she did not report Boigenzahn sooner because she was afraid of retaliation. In response to A.D.’s statements, the sergeant pressed A.D. and asked “if there had ever been anything more than statements made or him watching her.” In doing so, the sergeant seemingly dismissed A.D.’s claim that Boigenzahn was obsessed with her, watched her sleep, and lingered too long around her, as if that information alone were unimportant to the investigation.

¶57 Sheriff’s department officials then met with Boigenzahn and questioned him about the inmates’ allegations. Boigenzahn initially lied to the officials and denied passing notes between inmates, only confessing after he learned that he would be terminated if he were not truthful. He denied that he acted inappropriately toward A.D., which officials also found to be false.

¶58 Despite knowing that Boigenzahn had, at the very least, violated the jail’s fraternization policy and attempted to conceal and lie about his violations, the Sheriff decided against terminating Boigenzahn. The Sheriff made this choice despite the fact that violations of the fraternization policy “historically” resulted in termination, and despite the fact that Boigenzahn’s lying, in and of itself, was grounds for termination. The Sheriff opted instead for a far more lenient response and suspended Boigenzahn for three days before allowing him to return to work—in the same position—where he continued to have unfettered access to vulnerable women inmates. The Sheriff did not put Boigenzahn on a different shift, one where more staffing would allow for more supervision. He did not assign Boigenzahn to a different section, away from female inmates. He did not bar Boigenzahn from having further unsupervised contact with female inmates; in fact, he did not assign any staff to further monitor or investigate Boigenzahn at all. Instead, the Sheriff sent an officer who violated jail policies, lied to officials, and raised such serious red flags that multiple inmates reported him despite fears of retaliation, back to guard female inmates on the lightest-staffed shift with little to no monitoring. And that is how former officer Boigenzahn accessed, cornered, and sexually assaulted, Slabey on March 25, 2016.

II. ANALYSIS

¶59 When Dunn County took Slabey into custody, it assumed an affirmative duty to protect her from harm. DeShaney v. Winnebago Cnty. Dep’t of Soc. Servs., 489 U.S. 189, 199-200 (1989) (“When the State takes a person into its custody and holds [her] there against [her] will, the Constitution imposes upon it a corresponding duty to assume some responsibility for [her] safety and general well-being.”). Sexual assault is one of those harms, for while the Eighth Amendment “does not mandate comfortable prisons,” sexual assault “is simply not part of the penalty that criminal offenders pay for their offenses against society.” See Farmer v. Brennan, 511 U.S. 825, 832-834 (1994) (internal citations omitted). Sexual offenses “tend . . . to cause significant distress and often lasting psychological harm,” Washington v. Hively, 695 F.3d 641, 643 (7th Cir. 2012), and there is little doubt that Slabey’s Eighth Amendment rights were violated when Boigenzahn sexually assaulted her. The only question here is whether Slabey may hold Dunn County accountable under 42 U.S.C. § 1983, which “plainly imposes liability on a government that, under color of some official policy, `causes’ an employee to violate another’s constitutional rights.” See Monell v. Dep’t of Soc. Servs. of City of New York, 436 U.S. 658, 692 (1978).

¶60 While the standards for establishing municipal liability under § 1983 are rigorous, “they are not insurmountable.” J.K.J., 930 F.3d at 378. In order to establish liability and survive summary judgment on her claim against Dunn County, Slabey must bring sufficient evidence for a jury to reasonably find that Dunn County (1) had an official policy, custom, or decision, (2) that demonstrated the requisite level of culpability, and (3) caused her injury. See Bd. of Cnty. Comm’rs of Bryan Cnty., Okl. v. Brown, 520 U.S. 397, 403-404 (1997). I will discuss each of these elements in turn before explaining why a jury could reasonably find for Slabey on each.

¶61 First, Slabey must identify an official Dunn County policy or custom that caused her injury. Monell, 436 U.S. at 690. The Supreme Court has recognized that a decision by an official with final policy-making authority meets this requirement—that is, municipal liability attaches when “a deliberate choice to follow a course of action is made from among various alternatives by the official or officials responsible for establishing final policy with respect to the subject matter in question.” Pembaur v. City of Cincinnati, 475 U.S. 469, 483 (1986). Inaction, as well as action, may serve as the basis for municipal liability, depending on the circumstances. Connick v. Thompson, 563 U.S. 51, 61-62 (2011) (“[a] policy of inaction in light of notice that its program will cause constitutional violations is the functional equivalent of a decision by the city itself to violate the Constitution.” (internal citations omitted)).

¶62 Second, Slabey must establish Dunn County’s culpability, which under Monell means that she must provide sufficient evidence for a jury to find that the county’s actions demonstrated a “deliberate indifference” to the “known or obvious” consequence that a constitutional violation would occur. Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 407. While a pattern of constitutional violations is “ordinarily necessary” to establish the requisite notice that an official course of conduct is inadequate, the risk of a constitutional violation may be so obvious that the municipality’s actions could demonstrate deliberate indifference to that risk. See Connick, 563 U.S. at 64. The Supreme Court in City of Canton v. Harris provided the following example of deliberate indifference: if city policy-makers, having armed their police officers with firearms, fail to train those officers on the constitutional limitations on deadly force, that failure could be characterized as deliberate indifference. City of Canton, Ohio v. Harris, 489 U.S. 378, 390 n. 10 (1989). The Seventh Circuit in Glisson v. Indiana Department of Corrections provided another example: the failure to establish coordinated care protocols for inmates with chronic illnesses could reflect deliberate indifference if a jury found the need for those protocols obvious, even absent prior constitutional violations. Glisson v. Ind. Dep’t of Corr., 849 F.3d 372, 382 (7th Cir. 2017). And in J.K.J. v. Polk County the Seventh Circuit provided another, one relevant to this case: the failure to institute more robust policies to prevent the sexual assault of female inmates in the face of a guard’s escalating behavior can demonstrate deliberate indifference to the known or obvious risk of sexual assault. J.K.J., 960 F.3d at 385.

¶63 Third, Slabey must establish sufficient evidence for a jury to find that Dunn County’s actions caused her injury. That is, the official actions must be the “moving force” behind the constitutional violation. Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 400 (1997). A municipality cannot be held vicariously liable for the actions of its employee solely because it employed that employee. Monell, 436 U.S. at 691. Instead, the plaintiff must “demonstrate a direct causal link between the municipal action and the deprivation of federal rights.” Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 404.

¶64 Slabey established sufficient evidence for a jury to find for her on each of these three requirements by: (1) identifying a course of action by a final policy-maker—namely, the Sheriff’s choice to return Boigenzahn to his standard shift with no additional supervision; (2) alleging sufficient evidence for a jury to conclude that the risk of sexual assault was so predictable that the Sheriff’s course of action constituted deliberate indifference; and (3) alleging sufficient evidence to show that the Sheriff’s course of action caused the sexual assault. Her § 1983 claim against Dunn County should therefore survive summary judgment. I address how Slabey met each requirement in more detail below.

A. Official Policy, Custom, or Decision

¶65 Slabey met the first requirement for municipal liability under § 1983 because she identified a “deliberate choice to follow a course of action” by a final policy-maker. See Pembaur, 475 U.S. at 483. As Slabey points out, and Dunn County does not dispute, the Sheriff was the final policy-maker for staffing and disciplinary decisions at the Dunn County Jail. And he, as that final policy-maker, deliberately chose to adopt a particular course of action—to retain Boigenzahn and send him back to guard female inmates alone, on the lightest-staffed shift, with no additional supervision, investigation, or follow-up.[5] The Sheriff had “various alternatives” to his course of action. See Pembaur, 475 U.S. at 483. One of those alternatives was to terminate Boigenzahn. Termination was not just an option, but (as the Sheriff acknowledged), the typical disciplinary response for violations of the fraternization policy. Another alternative was to adjust Boigenzahn’s schedule to accommodate increased supervision and monitoring of his behavior. The Sheriff considered these alternatives, but instead chose the one course of action that would allow Boigenzahn to spend significant time alone and unmonitored with female inmates.

¶66 Slabey may not have identified a written policy that caused her injury, but she does not need to. Monell liability attaches where “a deliberate choice to follow a course of action is made among various alternatives by the official or officials responsible for establishing final policy with respect to the subject matter in question.” Pembaur, 475 U.S. at 483. Slabey sufficiently identified that deliberate choice here.

B. Culpability

¶67 Slabey also met the culpability requirement because she presented enough evidence for a jury to reasonably find that the Sheriff’s official course of action was taken with deliberate indifference to the known or obvious risk that a sexual assault would occur. Whether the risks were known or obvious and whether the Sheriff acted with deliberate indifference are questions of fact. See Sherrod v. Lingle, 223 F.3d 605, 611 (7th Cir. 2000). Next I demonstrate how a jury, assessing the facts of this case, could reasonably conclude that: (1) Boigenzahn’s prior behavior created a known or obvious risk that he would sexually assault an inmate and (2) the Sheriff’s decision to send Boigenzahn back to guard female inmates reflected deliberate indifference to that risk.

1. Known or Obvious Risk of Sexual Assault

¶68 When evaluating Boigenzahn’s prior conduct to determine whether the risk of sexual assault was known or obvious, it is important to note that “consent is not an issue” when a correctional officer has “sexual contact or sexual intercourse with an individual who is confined in a correctional institution if the actor is a correctional staff member.” Wis. Stat. §§ 940.225(2)(h), 940.225(4). In enacting Wis. Stat. § 940.225(2)(h), the legislature barred consent from being a defense in this context because it recognized that the power imbalance between correctional staff and inmates in the confinement setting, coupled with restrictions on inmates’ freedom, make it impossible for inmates to freely consent. Because an inmate cannot consent to sexual conduct with a correctional staff member, an inmate’s “words or overt actions that might indicate a freely given agreement to have sexual intercourse or sexual contact” in the outside world are irrelevant in this instance. See Wis. Stat. § 940.225(4). Accordingly, the deliberate indifference inquiry must be viewed through the correct lens of the confinement setting. And through this lens, conduct that merely foreshadows consensual sexual contact in other contexts may serve as notice of an obvious risk of sexual assault in the confinement setting. See Cash v. Cnty. of Erie, 654 F.3d 324, 337 (2d Cir. 2011) (noting that because (like Wisconsin) New York state law did not tolerate any sexual contact between guards and prisoners, jail officials “were thus obligated to do the same in carrying out their affirmative duty to protect prisoners from harm.”).

¶69 A jury aware of the distinctive nature of sexual abuse in the correctional setting could, based on Slabey’s evidence and reasonable inferences drawn from that evidence, make three factual findings: (1) Boigenzahn engaged in inappropriate behavior with female inmates, based on the corroborated reports of three different inmates; (2) Boigenzahn’s behavior, particularly with A.D., was not just inappropriate, but sexually charged; and (3) Boigenzahn had a propensity to lie and conceal inappropriate behavior unless directly confronted, and sheriff’s department officials knew about this propensity. Based on these findings, a jury could reasonably conclude that the Sheriff had notice that Boigenzahn was engaging in a pattern of escalating and inappropriate behavior toward female inmates—including physical conduct—that was likely to lead to sexual assault. I will address each of the potential factual findings in turn.

¶70 First, based on the corroborated reports of three different inmates, a jury could find that Boigenzahn engaged in inappropriate behavior with female inmates, some of which was physical in nature. Two of those inmates warned sheriff’s department officials that the behavior was likely to escalate, or “cross the line” if it had not already. One of the inmates, A.D., reported that Boigenzahn “made her uncomfortable,” told her that “he didn’t mind” when their hands accidentally touched, and, according to other inmates, even watched her while she slept. Additionally, Sheriff’s department officials viewed video surveillance of Boigenzahn which corroborated some of the inmates’ reports.

¶71 Second, a jury could reasonably infer that Boigenzahn’s behavior, particularly with A.D., was not only inappropriate, but sexually charged. Just because a municipality labels behaviors as “fraternization” instead of sexual misconduct does not mean that the majority should defer to that characterization, or assume that a jury must. As Dunn County’s own sexual misconduct policy acknowledges, sexual conduct encompasses a “range of behaviors,” including, for example, “conduct of a sexual nature or implication” and “unreasonable or unnecessary invasion of privacy.” A jury could reasonably conclude that Boigenzahn’s physical conduct with A.D. was “conduct of a sexual implication.” A jury could also reasonably conclude that “obsessing” over an inmate and watching her sleep is an “unreasonable or unnecessary invasion of privacy.”

¶72 The majority errs when it dismisses Boigenzahn’s prior behaviors and mischaracterizes them as “nonsexual.” See majority op. at ¶¶36, 39. In doing so, the majority incorrectly draws inferences in Dunn County’s favor, rather than Slabey’s favor. See Burbank Grease Servs., LLC v. Sokolowski, 2006 WI 103, ¶40, 294 Wis. 2d 274, 717 N.W.2d 781 (when reviewing a summary judgment decision, “we draw all reasonable inferences from the evidence in the light most favorable to the non-moving party.”). Sheriff’s department officials viewed surveillance footage of Boigenzahn quite literally “playing footsie” with A.D., which even the Oxford English Dictionary recognizes as “surreptitiously touching a person’s foot or ankle with one’s foot . . . as a playful expression of sexual attraction” (emphasis added). Officials also viewed footage of A.D. stroking Boigenzahn’s chest and shoulder after he beckoned her over to him. And A.D. reported that Boigenzahn told her that he “didn’t mind” when their hands touched. A jury, viewing Boigenzahn’s behavior in the proper context of the confinement setting and drawing on their life experiences and common sense, could reasonably conclude that his actions were sexually charged.

¶73 Third, a jury could find that Boigenzahn had a propensity to lie and conceal inappropriate behavior, and that the sheriff’s department officials knew about his dishonesty. Officials knew that Boigenzahn initially lied about passing notes between male and female inmates, and only confessed when told that he would be terminated for being untruthful. Additionally, Boigenzahn himself admitted to officials that he “tends not to tell the truth.” And finally, officials knew that Boigenzahn appeared to intentionally stand out of camera view in the Huber Dorm. A jury could find that the Sheriff knew that he could not trust Boigenzahn due to his deceptive tendencies, yet chose to put him back in the female dorm, without the supervision or monitoring that Boigenzahn clearly needed.

¶74 Taking all of these facts and inferences together, a jury could find that there was a known or obvious risk that Boigenzahn’s behavior would escalate to sexual assault. The jury could find that the Sheriff received notice from multiple female inmates that Boigenzahn’s behavior was escalating, had become physical, and would cross the line from merely inappropriate to predatory, if it had not already. The jury could find that this escalating behavior was, at the very least, “conduct of a sexual implication” that—along with the inmates’ warnings—created notice of an obvious risk that sexual assault would occur. The jury could find that Boigenzahn had already lied to sheriff’s department officials and attempted to evade detection for his behaviors—thus, he could not be trusted and clearly required supervision and monitoring. Taking all these facts together in the context of the confinement setting, with its stark power imbalance between guards and female inmates, the jury could reasonably conclude that Boigenzahn’s behavior created a known or obvious risk that he would sexually assault an inmate.

2. Deliberate Indifference to the Known or Obvious Risk of Sexual Assault

¶75 A jury, having found that Boigenzahn’s actions created an obvious risk that sexual assault would occur, could further find that the Sheriff’s decision to put Boigenzahn back on his normal shift reflected deliberate indifference to that risk.

¶76 In determining that the Sheriff was not deliberately indifferent, the majority suggests that the Sheriff’s chosen course of action—suspending Boigenzahn for three days—was a “severe” response to Boigenzahn’s behavior, and that the Sheriff chose it over less severe options. See majority op. at ¶¶36, 38. This does not square with the Sheriff’s admission that “historically fraternization turns into a termination,” and that a short suspension was the “minimum” appropriate disciplinary action for passing notes. The Sheriff’s disciplinary response was lenient, based on his own admissions, and does not preclude a finding of deliberate indifference as a matter of law. See Cash, 654 F.3d 324 (2d Cir. 2011) (upholding a jury finding of deliberate indifference even though the sheriff’s department had previously suspended a guard for misconduct).

¶77 The majority also concludes that the Sheriff’s decision to send Boigenzahn back to guard the female prisoners on the night shift was not deliberate indifference in part because moving Boigenzahn to a different shift with more supervision “would affect somebody on day shift that would be bumped off from that shift and forced onto the night shift.” See majority op. at ¶11. But the administrative inconveniences inherent to protecting constitutional rights in the confinement setting are no excuse for failing to protect those rights. For instance, the difficulty in finding the time and staff to train officers about the constitutional limits on excessive force before handing those officers firearms would not preclude a finding of deliberate indifference. See Canton, 489 U.S. at 390 n. 10. Nor would any difficulties, staffing or otherwise, in enacting “centralized treatment protocols for chronically ill inmates.” See Glisson, 849 F.3d at 382. Replacing one staff member or changing one staff member’s schedule is not “unworkable,” as the majority suggests, see majority op. at ¶39, but in fact a relatively small undertaking compared to adopting a new training program or revamping healthcare protocols; therefore, it is difficult to understand why the inconvenience of doing either would preclude a jury from finding for Slabey on the deliberate indifference element of the Monell test. The Sheriff may have decided to retain Boigenzahn despite his behavior toward female inmates in part because replacing him would be inconvenient, and “[Boigenzahn] had been a pretty good jailer on other notes,” but the choice still demonstrated a deliberate indifference to the “note” that mattered here—the safety of female inmates.

C. Causation

¶78 Slabey also established enough evidence for a jury to reasonably find that the Sheriff’s course of action caused Slabey’s injury.

¶79 Much of the same evidence that supports Slabey’s claim on the culpability requirement also supports it on the causation requirement. Specifically, evidence of an obvious risk of sexual assault can support both a finding of “deliberate indifference” and “an inference of causation—that the municipality’s indifference led directly to the very consequence that was so predictable.” Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 409-410. If a jury could reasonably conclude that the risk of sexual assault was obvious enough that the failure to take action constituted deliberate indifference, it may take “but a small inferential step” for a jury to find that the failure to take action caused the injury. J.K.J., 960 F.3d at 384. Causation, like culpability, is a fact question for a jury—”finding causation is not a mechanical exercise like working a math problem and getting an answer, but instead requires jurors to view evidence in its totality, draw on their life experiences and common sense, and then reach reasonable conclusions about the effects of particular action and inaction” (emphasis in original). Id. at 384-385. Here, Slabey established enough evidence for a jury to do so.

¶80 Slabey’s evidence “paved multiple roads for the jury to travel” to find that the Sheriff’s actions caused her injury. See id. at 385. A jury could find that if the Sheriff had pursued the typical course of action and terminated Boigenzahn for his violations of the fraternization policy (and arguably, the sexual misconduct policy, as discussed above), Boigenzahn would not have had access to sexually assault Slabey or any other inmate. A jury could alternatively find that if the Sheriff had instead switched Boigenzahn to a shift that allowed for more supervision, Boigenzahn would have been prevented from spending a significant amount of time alone and unmonitored with female inmates, and thus would have either been dissuaded from sexually assaulting an inmate for fear of the consequences, or denied the opportunity to sexually assault an inmate at all. A jury could also infer that the Sheriff’s failure to take any additional action to protect female inmates both emboldened Boigenzahn and silenced inmates who now understood that objecting to his behavior was essentially futile. Since any of these inferences would be reasonable, a jury could conclude from Slabey’s evidence that the Sheriff’s course of action caused the sexual assault to happen.

¶81 The Sheriff’s actions were the “moving force” behind Slabey’s injuries. See Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 400. This is not a case where a plaintiff is attempting to prove causation simply by showing that she would not have been sexually assaulted “but for” the municipality’s original decision to hire the perpetrator. See id. Instead, Slabey established that her sexual assault was caused by the Sheriff’s decision to put a guard with a known history of inappropriate and arguably sexual conduct toward female inmates back in a position where he would be alone and unmonitored with those inmates. The Sheriff’s decision was thus not only a “but for” cause of Slabey’s injuries, but “closely related to the ultimate injury.” See Canton, 489 U.S. at 391. A jury could therefore reasonably find that Slabey has met the causation requirement.

¶82 Because Slabey established sufficient evidence that a final policy-maker acted with deliberate indifference to a serious risk of sexual assault, and in doing so caused her sexual assault, she has met all three requirements for Monell liability. Based on the evidence Slabey provided, a jury could reasonably find that the Sheriff knew that he was essentially sending a fox back to guard the hen house, and in doing so was deliberately indifferent to the constitutional rights of Dunn County inmates. Therefore, Slabey’s § 1983 claim against Dunn County should survive summary judgment.

III. CONCLUSION

¶83 Based on the evidence Slabey provided, a jury could find that Dunn County Sheriff’s Department officials ignored the clear warning signs that Boigenzahn had already engaged in inappropriate and escalating behavior with female inmates and then created the circumstances that allowed Boigenzahn to sexually assault Slabey. The Sheriff’s deliberate course of action enabled Boigenzahn to escape detection for 45 minutes as he was working alone, unsupervised, and unmonitored in the Huber dorm on the night he sexually assaulted Slabey. Slabey provided sufficient evidence for a jury to reasonably find that the Sheriff’s course of action both demonstrated deliberate indifference and was the causal “moving force” behind the sexual assault. Slabey’s § 1983 claim against Dunn County should therefore survive summary judgment.

¶84 When municipalities take inmates into custody, they assume a responsibility to protect them from sexual assault. But this responsibility means little if the justice system is unwilling to hold municipalities accountable when they fail to protect their inmates. When municipalities are not held to account, measures like PREA, enacted to eliminate sexual assault in jails and prisons, are reduced to little more than a perfunctory policy for correctional staff to sign, then freely disregard. Dunn County threw a match into the tinderbox when it sent Boigenzahn back to guard female inmates. The majority’s failure to hold Dunn County accountable is akin to standing idly by as the fire burns.

¶85 I am authorized to state that Justice ANN WALSH BRADLEY joins this dissent.

[1] The Honorable Maureen D. Boyle presided.

[2] All references to “the County” are to Dunn County unless otherwise noted.

[3] 34 U.S.C. §§ 30301-30309 (2018).

[4] The Huber Dorm is an open area with bunk beds for inmates on Huber work release. See generally Wis. Stat. § 303.08 (2019-20).

[5] According to Slabey’s deposition, also on or about March 25, 2016, Slabey asked Boigenzahn “if [she] could move down to the bottom bunk . . . because it was open.” Slabey claimed Boigenzahn “told [her], why would you want to move there because this one is off camera view up here, and he said that [she] couldn’t move.” Slabey took this to mean at the time that it would be easier for her to have contraband if she remained on the top bunk.

[6] In her petition for review, Slabey asserted claims against not just Dunn County but also several individual defendants employed by the County. In her briefing, however, Slabey asserts claims only against Dunn County and therefore has abandoned her claims against the individual defendants. A.O. Smith Corp. v. Allstate Ins. Companies, 222 Wis. 2d 475, 492, 588 N.W.2d 285 (Ct. App. 1998) (“[A]n issue raised on appeal, but not briefed or argued, is deemed abandoned.”).

[7] Though the issue is not before us, for purposes of this review, we assume without deciding that Boigenzahn violated Slabey’s constitutional rights.

[8] Slabey raised an additional issue in her opening brief, arguing that Dunn County is not entitled to qualified immunity. However, Dunn County does not argue here that it is entitled to qualified immunity. Nor could it. It is well settled that municipalities cannot assert qualified immunity. Owen v. City of Independence, 445 U.S. 622 (1980) (holding that municipalities are not entitled to qualified immunity); see also Davis v. United States, 564 U.S. 229, 248 n.9 (2011) (recognizing the same).

[9] This rigorous standard is what drives our analysis. Section 1983 plaintiffs suing municipalities must clear a high bar—a bar that is even higher when alleging liability based on a “single incident.” For those who would relax this standard by conflating it with our standard of review on summary judgment, doing so would massively broaden the “single incident” exception and “only invite jury nullification of Monell.” City of Canton v. Harris, 489 U.S. 378, 399 (1989) (O’Connor, J., concurring).

If this were not the well-established standard, we could instead reinvent § 1983 law and analyze how Dunn County might have merely allowed, rather than caused, Slabey’s constitutional deprivation. However, that would be a sea change in the law. Causation under Monell requires much more than “but-for” causation. Bd. of Cnty. Comm’rs of Bryan Cnty. v. Brown, 520 U.S. 397, 404, 410 (1997) (citing Monell v. Dep’t of Soc. Servs., 436 U.S. 658 (1978)). “In virtually every instance where a person has had his or her constitutional rights violated by a city employee, a § 1983 plaintiff will be able to point to something the city `could have done’ to prevent the unfortunate incident.” City of Canton, 489 U.S. at 392. Whether Dunn County could have done more is not the applicable legal standard.

[10] In each of these cases where the Supreme Court hypothesized that single-incident theory could apply, the plaintiffs brought failure-to-train claims, and the Court considered the possibility that the theory might apply only in such cases. We note that Slabey’s claim is based on alleged failures to investigate, discipline, and supervise Boigenzahn, but not a failure to train him.

[11] Four judges on the en banc panel dissented: Circuit Judges Easterbrook, Brennan, Bauer, and Sykes.

[12] Slabey also identifies the County’s failure to conduct a radio check during the 45 minutes that Boigenzahn was with Slabey, and its failure to make sure Slabey’s bunk was in view of a surveillance camera as acts of deliberate indifference. However, these demonstrate the kind of “one-time negligent administration of [a] program” that is insufficient to satisfy Monell causation. Bryan Cnty., 520 U.S. at 408.

How To Begin — Adventures in Forensics and Cybersecurity

How to try to get into forensics and cybersecurity

I have been trying to blog about my adventures for a long time. I did not know how to begin. A colleague suggested I start with the steps or the missteps, I should say, that has guided my career in digital forensics. I can tell you that about 10 years ago I did not know anything about computers or anything having to do with investigating devices or determining if a system is compromised by malware. Everything I have learned and experienced has been on-the-job and through mentors, that probably did not know they were mentoring me.

Step 1: Make someone extremely angry that they move you from one organization to the next ( I truthfully did not know what I did)

This step will probably not be the same in your adventure but it led the to the beginning of mine. When I was moved, I ended up in an organization actively doing digital forensics using the Unix/Linux operating system. Talk about being over my head, I came in with no computing background other then using the internet and browsing Youtube at the time. So imagine getting thrown into an operating system that is not commonly used in homes or outside of computing types of career fields. It was a huge challenge but, I decided to jump right in.

Step 2: Jump right in

This was a big challenge, learning an entire new system and how to make it work and do things I need to accomplish. and if you have never seen how technical people use a Linux operating system, think about that blinking green light on a black screen that started typing telling Neo (Matrix) to follow the white rabbit or for those in the newer generation, the very small scenes of Mr. Robot where you see code or text being written across a black screen, seemingly not knowing what it means or does.

In the next 6 months, I was a Linux beast. As you can imagine the common trend to learning everything was repetition. The fact that the operating system was in my face day in and day out, was eventually the success to my learning. Now it did not mean I did not need further training over time but, by overcoming this first challenge I was introduced to terminology, functionality and a common language to discuss my needs to technical mentors. It helped with also identifying the terms needed to google in order to find free training resources across the web.

Step 3: Do not half-ass it

The career field of digital forensics and cybersecurity is always changing and everyone is in a constant mode of learning and training in order to stay with the times or get ahead of it. A good friend of mine and I always debated this and the three areas of this field that covers and interlace everything are

  • Operating System
  • Computer Science
  • Networking

If a person can be extremely knowledgeable in any two of these then they would probably be ahead of a lot of individuals in these career fields as it seems the average knowledge amongst these domains, if you will, in my experience, has been that most people have knowledge in 1 of these and then have half-ass knowledge of 1 other.

The knowledge needed in order to be successful requires understanding of operating systems and how they work; networks and communications between machines and the humans using those networks; everything runs off software or written code, the ability to read a variety of coding languages and understand the functionality of the code. The computer science or reading of code domain seems to be the least found amongst a lot of these career fields as people who can do it can find themselves in better financial positions as developers.

My strongest domains are in the operating systems and computer science domain and am currently learning the networking domain. I am constantly learning and always run into a new challenge, but I have always been able to overcome or advance in my career based on these 3 knowledge bases.

How To Begin — Adventures in Forensics and Cybersecurity

Mandatory Hands-on Skills for Students and Inmates Decreases Crime and increases Quality of Life for All

How does hands-on skills training educational protocols correlate with life expectancy??

Do Inmates Need Educational Protocols?

What are hands-on skills? Skills training is in-demand, highly desirable skills such as hairstyling, dental assisting and commericial truck driving. These are examples of careers that enable the students/inmates to provide for themselves and their families. Hands-on skills have a strong correlation with decreased crime while simultaneously increasing life expectancy for everyone in society. Hands-on skills also ensure future economic sustainability and stability for a world that is dependent on hands-on skills for environmental sustainability.

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Why Are Girls Reaching Puberty Earlier? via The DALE YEAGER Blog

Diet, Endocrine Disruptors, and the COVID-19 Pandemic are documented in this article.stealing years away from the childhood of young girls

An article by Martha Rosenberg explains the four factors which are directly correlated to early puberty in girls. Three of these: Diet, Endocrine Disruptors, and the COVID-19 Pandemic are documented in this article. But the one I want to focus on is Anxiety and Stress Within the Family. Dale Yeager

The age at which girls are reaching puberty is steadily falling. In 1840, the average girl was 16.5 years when she attained menarche—the onset of menstruation. By 1920, the age had dropped to 14.6; by 1950, it was 13.1; in 1980, 12.5; and 12.43 in 2020. By 2022, the percentage of U.S. girls who reached menarche by age 10 had risen to 10 percent from 7 percent.

By 2010, the average girl reached puberty at the age of 10.5. Not only is the drop in puberty age seen across race/ethnicity groups in the United States, but according to a study in the Journal of Adolescent Health, the same trend toward early puberty has also been reported in England, Israel, China, India, Korea, Ghana, Mexico, and Thailand.

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There are many reasons why early onset puberty, also called precocious puberty, matters. Early puberty puts girls at increased risk of obesity, diabetes, heart disease and other cardiovascular diseases, low bone mineral density, gynecological/obstetric, gastrointestinal, musculoskeletal, neuro-cognitive, psychiatric and respiratory disorders, and cancer, according to medical papers. Children with precocious puberty “often stop growing earlier than usual” which can “cause them to be shorter than average as adults,” adds the Mayo clinic. Other scientific publications agree.

There are also psychological ramifications associated with early menarche. “Among adolescent girls, early puberty is associated with more depressive disorders, substance use disorders, eating disorders and disruptive behavior disorders,” according to an American Psychological Association article. Girls are also at increased risk of sexually transmitted diseases.

What Are the Causes of Early Puberty?

Most, if not all, medical professionals agree that the age of menarche is lowering but agreement ends there. There are many theories about the dramatic appearance of early puberty among so many girls, and it’s likely that many of them have a basis in fact and that more than one theory is accurate.

Diet

Research published in 2018 in the International Journal of Endocrinology that focused on a cohort of Chinese girls identified clear links between early puberty and diet.

An “unhealthy diet pattern, heavy in desserts and snacks, soft drinks, and fried food, was found to be significantly positively associated with precocious puberty in both boys and girls,” wrote the authors.

“This diet was implicated in the timing of puberty, probably in any of the three ways: high fat intake, high sugar, and obesity due to high-calorie consumption. Consumption of junk food, such as fried foods, had been convincingly linked to obesity and rapid weight gain, a potential predictor of earlier age at menarche and other markers of puberty.”

Certainly, the so-called Western diet has infiltrated countries that once observed local and traditional cuisines.

According to Dr. Robert Lustig, a professor of clinical pediatrics at the University of California–San Francisco’s Benioff Children’s Hospital, “Fatter girls have higher levels of the hormone leptin, which can lead to early puberty, which leads to higher estrogen levels, which leads to greater insulin resistance, causing girls to have yet more fat tissue, more leptin and more estrogen, the cycle feeding on itself, until their bodies physically mature.”

Endocrine Disruptors

Endocrine disruptors are chemicals that mimic and disrupt our hormone functioning and seem to lurk everywhere: in our food packaging, furniture, cleaning products, building materials, drinking water, gardens, cosmetics, and more. How badly have these unwanted chemicals invaded our world? Bisphenol A, a major endocrine disruptor often called BPA, was found in 90 percent of newborn infants tested by the Environmental Working Group along with more than 230 other chemicals!

Sadly, endocrine disruptors aren’t the only likely environmental culprits when it comes to tracing the roots of early puberty. Research published in the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health also associates metals such as manganese and lead “with the deregulation of the neuroendocrine system, which could potentially favor the appearance of precocious puberty in environmentally exposed children.”

Anxiety and Stress Within the Family

Research published in the journal Emergency Medicine International finds that the role of anxiety in the family system can contribute to early puberty. Girls with early puberty came from poorer households that were characterized by divorces and remarriages, according to the research. Girls whose parents divorced when they were between 3 and 8 years old were at greater risk. Father absenteeism is increasingly seen as a factor in girls who develop early puberty, say scientific papers.

“The absence of a biologically-related father has been shown to accelerate reproductive development,” write authors in the Journal of Adolescent Health. Two decades ago, researchers posited that “when girls encountered familial conditions that were unfavorable for survival (e.g., insecure and unsupportive family relationships), it was adaptive to become reproductively mature earlier. Since then, numerous empirical studies have confirmed that father absence predicts earlier maturation. Girls in father-absent homes are about twice as likely to experience menarche prior to age 12.”

The COVID-19 Pandemic

With its stress, forced isolation, the dominance of electronic communication, and negative effects on sleep and diet, the COVID-19 pandemic increased the occurrence of early puberty.

According to research in the Italian Journal of Pediatrics, “Due to lengthy periods of school closure, restrictions on activities, and changes in diet and sleep patterns, an increase in the frequency of obesity in children is to be expected,” wrote the authors.

“During the lock-down, children were not only out of school, but they also faced severe restrictions to their daily physical routines, and in this period of inactivity, it was inevitable that there would be an increase in screen-time. When all these contributing factors are combined, it is not difficult to predict that the situation could cause rapid weight gain.”

Sure enough, wrote the authors, “the onset of puberty was earlier in the pandemic period compared to the previous year.”

A similar phenomenon of increased early puberty was noted during the pandemic in Korea and in India.

Experts Weigh In

Dr. Jeanne Stolzer, a professor of child and adolescent development at the University of Nebraska, shared her thoughts with The Epoch Times. “I believe the early puberty we are witnessing is probably due to a convergence of variables.  However, I think that researchers need to be looking into two key variables: Screen use and COVID vaccinations. I also believe that lack of sunlight and physical activity may be contributing factors.”

“Although the multifarious effects of melatonin on the human gonadal system are not fully understood at this time, we do know that screen use clearly impacts melatonin levels,” she said. “Data indicates that melatonin affects oxytocin, vasopressin, and a plethora of growth hormones, therefore, early puberty may very well be related to increasing screen time as screen time disrupts the production of melatonin.”

Researchers also need to be looking into the correlation between vaccines and early puberty, observes Stolzer, “as preliminary data suggests that menstrual cycles have been adversely affected by the COVID vaccine. It stands to reason that age of puberty may also be impacted.”

One study, published in the International Journal of Clinical Practice in October, concluded that “COVID-19 infection and vaccination can affect the menstrual cycle in women.”

In a recent paper published in the International Journal of Sociology of the Family, Stolzer wrote, “Despite the scientific data demonstrating the plethora of negative effects associated with screen time, use of screens is increasing exponentially across the globe due in part to the world-wide pandemic.”

Yet, Stolzer laments, “As mounting scientific evidence continues to be published across continents confirming the negative effects associated with screen time, schools – from preschools to universities-are documenting significant increases in student screen time use.”

Stolzer said children “require large amounts of direct sunlight and rigorous outdoor physical activity if optimal development is to occur. As a direct result of the pandemic, access to the outdoors was severely limited in many communities thus hindering developmental processes exponentially.”

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An article by Martha Rosenberg explains the four factors which are directly correlated to early puberty in girls. Three of these: Diet, Endocrine Disruptors, and the COVID-19 Pandemic are documented in this article. But the one I want to focus on is Anxiety and Stress Within the Family. Dale Yeager

Why Are Girls Reaching Puberty Earlier? — The DALE YEAGER Blog

Statistical Probabilities Associated with Different Types of Deaths

The Odds Of Dying From Various Accidents

Visualizing The Odds Of Dying From Various Accidents

Fatal accidents account for a significant number of deaths in the U.S. every year. For example, nearly 43,000 Americans died in traffic accidents in 2021.

However, as Visual Capitalist’s Marcus Lu explains below, without the right context, it can be difficult to properly interpret these figures.

To help you understand your chances, we’ve compiled data from the National Safety Council, and visualized the lifetime odds of dying from various accidents.

Data and Methodology

The lifetime odds presented in this graphic were estimated by dividing the one-year odds of dying by the life expectancy of a person born in 2020 (77 years).

Additionally, these numbers are based on data from the U.S., and likely differ in other countries.

For comparison’s sake, the odds of winning the Powerball jackpot are 1 in 292,000,000. In other words, you are 4000x more likely to die by a lightning strike over your lifetime than to win the Powerball lottery.

Continue reading below for further context on some of these accidents.

Motor Vehicle Accidents

Motor vehicle accidents are a leading cause of accidental deaths in the U.S., with a 1 in 101 chance of dying. This is quite a common way of dying, especially when compared to something like bee stings (1 in 57,825).

Unfortunately, a major cause of vehicle deaths is impaired driving. The CDC reports that 32 Americans are killed every day in crashes involving alcohol, which equates to one death every 45 minutes.

For further context, consider this: 30% of all traffic-related deaths in 2020 involved alcohol-impaired drivers.

Drowning

The odds of drowning in a swimming pool (1 in 5,782) are significantly higher than those of drowning in general (1 in 10,386). According to the CDC, there are 4,000 fatal drownings every year, which works out to 11 deaths per day.

Drowning also happens to be a leading cause of death for children. It is the leading cause for kids aged 1-4, and second highest cause for kids aged 5-14.

A rather surprising fact about drowning is that 80% of fatalities are male. This has been attributed to higher rates of alcohol use and risk-taking behaviors.

Accidental Firearm Discharge

Lastly, let’s look at accidental firearm deaths, which have lifetime odds of 1 in 7,998. That’s higher than the odds of drowning (general), as well as dying in an airplane accident.

This shouldn’t come as a major surprise, since the U.S. has the highest rates of gun ownership in the world. More importantly, these odds highlight the importance of properly securing one’s firearms, as well as learning safe handling practices.

As a percentage of total gun-related deaths (45,222 in 2020), accidental shootings represent a tiny 1%. The two leading causes are suicide (54%) and homicide (43%).

Interested in learning more about death? Revisit one of our most popular posts of all time: Visualizing the History of Pandemics.

Tyler Durden
Sat, 01/28/2023 – 18:00

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What to expect when you reach the border of life and death. A Medical Study. — JcgregSolutions

“We characterize the testimonies that people had and were able to identify that there is a unique recalled experience of death that is different to other experiences that people may have in the hospital or elsewhere,” Dr. Parnia said, “and that these are not hallucinations, they are not illusions, they are not delusions, they are […]

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Using Hair as an Indicator of Antidepressant Use Post-Mortem via Forensic Bites

Source for header: “pharmaceuticals” by idea-saras is licensed under CC BY 2.0.

For forensic scientists, determining the cause of death is frequently fraught with uncertainties, especially depending on the state of the body and its surroundings at the time of death. Climate, animals, and duration of exposure to the elements contribute to a body’s decay in ways difficult to quantify. As a result, identifying how and when somebody passed away remains complicated. Thankfully, researchers are working to untangle all the elements that can contribute to someone’s death – including drugs. Typically, drug testing takes the form of a urine sample and conversation regarding history of drug use, whether illicit or prescribed. However, someone who is deceased is unable to provide these, so other ways of identifying drug use need to be developed.

Two labs led by Jytte Banner and Sys Stybe Johansen in the Department of Forensic Medicine at the University of Copenhagen decided to tackle this problem. They focused on a commonly-prescribed antidepressant, citalopram. Citalopram is a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor, the most common class of drugs prescribed to treat depression. As antidepressant prescriptions per year tripled over the past decade to ~71 million (as of 2018), forensic experts encounter antidepressants more frequently in their toxicological screens. However, it is difficult to determine the frequency and amount of the citalopram dose – current techniques can only confirm the presence or absence of the drug in postmortem analysis.

These groups aimed to define how citalopram levels in postmortem samples could indicate use of the drug while the person was alive. This would provide valuable information regarding compliance with prescribed doses and whether there was abuse of the drug prior to death. To do this, the group used a two-pronged approach: they analyzed citalopram levels in small (~1 cm) hair segments from deceased subjects and compared them to calculated estimated daily doses. Their hypothesis was that the levels of citalopram in hair segments would directly correspond with the patient’s citalopram intake during that period of hair growth (fig. 1).

Fig 1. A graphic depicting the hypothesis of the Banner and Johansen groups. The researchers believed that small segments of hair would contain levels of citalopram that directly correlate to the amount of citalopram consumption during that hair growth period. Created by Barbara Szynal in BioRender.

However, unfortunately, they found no correlation between estimated daily citalopram dose and the amount of citalopram in the postmortem hair segments. Instead, they found a correlation between hair color and citalopram concentration-to-dose ratios. Black or brown hair in the segment closest to the skin retained higher levels of citalopram and its metabolite, demethylcitalopram, than blond hair in the same segment, regardless of dosage (Fig. 2). The researchers speculate that this may be due to metabolite presence in the oil near the scalp as well as metabolite wash-out from farther segments of hair. With more research, this information can help estimate dosage based purely on hair samples without needing to obtain pharmacy records prior to determination of cause of death. This would involve the determination of concentration-to-dose ratios for each hair color group, likely for the hair closest to the scalp. While this creates a more complex analytical scenario than using one standard concentration-to-dose ratio, it also prevents the generation of false positives or negatives based on hair color.

Fig 2. The ratio of concentration of citalopram in the hair segment closest to the skin to estimated dose. (Johansen et. al. 2022)

A technique used to accurately determine drug consumption prior to death would be an incredibly powerful tool, especially in cases where the drug is prescribed and drug abuse or neglect is suspected as the cause of death. This would allow investigators to define the cause of death with more precise, scientifically-sound means rather than gathering information via circumstantial, potentially misleading pharmacy records. The Banner and Johansen groups made important contributions to the development of such a technique, and with additional work this technique could eventually provide justice to those most in need of it.

TitleConcentrations of citalopram and escitalopram in postmortem hair segments
AuthorsKaren Rygaarda, Marie Katrine Klose Nielsen, Kristian Linnet, Jytte Banner, Sys Stybe Johansen
JournalForensic Science International
Year2022
URLhttps://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0379073822001797?via%3Dihub

MORE IN FORENSICBITES

Researchers searching for a way to track antidepressant usage from postmortem hair find that hair color influences drug retention more than time or length of hair.

Using Hair as an Indicator of Antidepressant Use Post-Mortem — ForensicBites

Forensics: DNA from letter helps solve 34-year-old cold case murder of Pa. mom — FORENSICS and LAW in FOCUS @ CSIDDS | News and Trends

The cold case murder of a 26-year-old Pennsylvania mother in 1988 has been finally solved thanks to DNA evidence found on a chilling letter. — Read on http://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/dna-letter-helps-solve-34-year-old-cold-case-murder-pa-mom-rcna44185

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Employment Law: What to Know Before You Start a Job — Naomi Soldon

it’s important to understand the legal requirements before applying for any position.

In this article, attorney Naomi Soldon, who has a wide experience in employment law, will answer questions regarding employment law and fill you in on what to expect when you start a new position.

What Are the Different Types of Employment Law?

Naomi Soldon indicates that there are many different types of employment law that you’ll come across in your job search.

Some examples include:

Davis-Bacon Law: This is the law that regulates the way that construction workers are hired and paid. It’s named after Massachusetts congressman Lewis “Boss” Bacon who championed the law during the construction of the U.S. Capitol.

Gross National Product (G.N.P.) Law: This is the law that regulates how much businesses can charge for their products and services.

Human Rights Law: This law protects employees from being mistreated at work. It applies to all employees, not just employees of a specific business.

Health and Safety Law: This law regulates how safe and healthy the workplace is.

Hiring and Employment Law: This covers how an employer finds, hires, and trains an employee. It includes things like how an employer advertises for jobs, what type of job postings to include, and how to go about the process once you’re hired.

How Does Employment Law Apply to Me?

Employment law applies to all employees, whether that person works full time for you part time or on a contract basis. Naomi Soldon points out that if an employee works for you part time, you must comply with the same employment law that applies to full-time employees. For example, if you have a rule that employees must work a certain number of hours each day, even if they work for other companies nearby, you must also follow that rule if you work for the same company as a full-time employee. On the other hand, if you have different employment standards for your part-time employees and full-time employees, those standards

What Is Employment Law?

According to Naomi Soldon, employment law is a branch of legislation that regulates how employers must treat employees. It encompasses a variety of topics, including how long an employee may work for one employer, how employers must treat employees who are on a leave of absence, whether an employer has to provide certain types of medical care, and how long an employer must keep an employee on the job after the employee has exhausted his or her legal rights. Employment law applies to every industry and can be complex, especially if you’re a first-time employee or a new type of job. Many companies have specialized employment departments that manage the different types of employment law issues encountered by their larger company employees. Some employment law experts are invested in trying to expand the scope of employment law to include issues that are unique to certain types of businesses such as management by team or cooperative ventures.

only apply to part-time employees and not to full-time employees.

Bottom line

Employment law is complex and can be daunting to navigate when you’re just starting out in your career. Skilled attorney Naomi Soldon recommends making sure you understand the various types of employment law and how they apply to you so that you don’t accidentally violate the law. Get help from an employment law expert if you’re stuck.

Today, more than ever, people are looking for jobs. The job market is tight and competition for spots is high. Even though the job market is generally strong, it’s not guaranteed that you’ll be able to find a job after graduating from college. If you’re looking for your first job or a new career path, […]

Employment Law: What to Know Before You Start a Job — Naomi Soldon

Lend us a hand in 2022: The queen of crime-solving via FORENSICS and LAW in FOCUS @ CSIDDS

Forensic scientist Angela Gallop has helped to crack many of the UK’s most notorious murder cases. But today she fears the whole field – and justice itself – is at risk

by Imogen West-KnightsThu 24 Mar 2022 02.00 EDT

Early one morning in June 1982, a smartly dressed man was found hanging from scaffolding beneath Blackfriars Bridge in central London. The dead man was carrying two Patek Philippe watches, one on his wrist and one in his top jacket pocket, both of which had stopped. The pockets and seams of his suit trousers contained 5kg of bricks and rubble. He was also carrying a forged Italian passport and about £10,000 in cash. The next day, police in Rome confirmed the man’s identity. His name was Roberto Calvi and he was the chair of an Italian bank with close ties to the Vatican. Calvi had been missing for at least six days. He was due to appear in an Italian court the next week to appeal against a conviction for illegally transferring several billion lira out of the country. The press called him “God’s Banker”.

Calvi’s death was recorded as a suicide, but his family believed he had been murdered, possibly by the mafia. In 1991, almost 10 years after Calvi’s body was found, the family hired Kroll, a private detective company, to carry out a new investigation into his death. To review the evidence, Kroll in turn hired a forensic scientist named Angela Gallop. In the previous five years, Gallop had gained a reputation as an expert prepared to go beyond the methods favored by her peers – the straightforward DNA tests or fingerprint comparisons – in order to solve a crime. “She was meticulous, very open-minded, and her scientific methods were second to none. There weren’t many others doing it in quite the same way,” said Michael Mansfield, a barrister who often worked with her at the time.

The key to her work, Gallop believes, is imagination. “People always hate when scientists use the word ‘imaginative’. They think you’ve been inventing your results,” she told me not long ago. “But it is critical.” Looking at what was known about Calvi’s death, Gallop agreed that the suicide story didn’t add up. If Calvi had climbed down a ladder from Blackfriars Bridge and onto the scaffolding in order to hang himself, wouldn’t paint flecks from the poles have transferred to the soles of his shoes? Wouldn’t the movement of the bricks inside his trousers as he walked have produced abrasions on his thighs? The postmortem had found neither. That suggested another possibility: Calvi’s body had been put there by someone else.

Gallop designed an experiment to test her theory. She would need the original scaffolding from under the bridge, clothes similar to those Calvi was wearing, and a man of a similar build to re-enact the scene. Finding the man was easy enough. Russell Stockdale, a fellow forensic scientist, who also happened to be Gallop’s husband, had the right proportions for the job. And by a stroke of luck, the company that erected the scaffolding had not only kept the poles, but knew precisely which ones they were. Gallop asked to borrow them, and asked Calvi’s family for one of his suits and a pair of his shoes. Calvi’s son, Carlo, told me that at this stage, having hired private detectives at “horrendous” expense, the family would have granted Gallop anything she wanted. “I wasn’t going to tell them no,” he said.

One afternoon in 1992, Gallop stood in her garden in Newbury, Berkshire, watching as the scaffolding was rebuilt on the lawn next to her pond. Once it was up, Gallop and Clive Candy, a colleague who specialised in forensic chemistry, watched closely as Stockdale clambered on to the scaffolding wearing Calvi’s clothes. In her A4 notepad, Gallop noted down the difficulties her husband was having as he climbed, and how the bricks in his clothes were affecting his movements.

Satisfied with her initial findings, Gallop and Stockdale went to London to inspect the scene at Blackfriars Bridge. Gallop asked Stockdale to climb down a fixed iron ladder that led from the embankment next to the bridge down to the foreshore, from where it would have been possible to walk to the scaffolding at low tide. Gallop wanted to see if it was plausible that a 62-year-old man like Calvi could have done so without slipping, and without dislodging the bricks and rubble in his clothes.

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“I was absolutely terrified. I’m no good with heights, or water,” Stockdale told me, “but Angela’s very persuasive.” This was not the first time Gallop had encouraged him into an unusual activity in the name of crime-solving. “We beat my favourite hat to death with a hammer once,” he said, a little forlorn. “It was never the same again.” (He and Gallop separated in 2003, but remained close. Stockdale died late last year.)

Through the experiments in her garden and by the riverside, Gallop concluded it was almost impossible that Calvi’s death was a suicide. And although the case has never been resolved – various mafia members and associates have stood trial for the murder and all have been acquitted – Gallop did what she set out to do, which was to prove that God’s Banker had been murdered. Calvi’s family are still waiting for his killer to be brought to justice, but Carlo told me that Gallop’s findings remain essential to them, even all these years later. “I couldn’t have been more pleased about her work,” he told me. “It was exhaustive and authoritative. I was extremely impressed, then and now.”

Over almost 50 years as a forensic scientist, Gallop has seen enough grisly cases to fill several lifetimes. Murder, bestiality, rape, incest, the contents of Princess Diana’s stomach, war crimes, alleged alien abductions, an elderly woman stabbed in both eyeballs. Name a famous crime that took place in Britain since the 1980s and there is a good chance that Gallop was involved in the investigation. The killings of James Bulger, Stephen Lawrence, Damilola Taylor and Rachel Nickell, the Pembrokeshire coastal path murders. People in her field describe her as an icon, an idol, a star. “She is the doyenne of her profession,” William Clegg QC, a retired defence lawyer who specialised in serious crime, told me. “If I had a forensic issue in a case, then it was always the same instructions to the team: phone Angela Gallop.”

Picture a forensic scientist and one of the following images probably comes to mind: a mild-mannered oddball in a white lab coat, or a leather-jacketed pseudocop stalking around a crime scene. Gallop is neither of these people. She is ebullient and stylish. We first met last spring, in a converted barn where she does some of her work, near her house in Oxfordshire. We met several more times, and I never saw her without nails that matched a pair of statement earrings, and never saw the same nails or earrings twice. She has a jolly, mile-a-minute energy, and being in her presence brings to mind old-fashioned phrases like “chatterbox” and “go-getter”. One colleague described her as “a human dynamo”. The clue, with Gallop, is in the name.

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No individual has had a closer view of the way the science of crime-solving has changed in the past 40 years. Gallop started out in the 70s, at the government’s Forensic Science Service (FSS), which conducted all forensic work for the police. She then led the charge in dismantling the FSS’s monopoly by establishing rival companies in the 90s, cracked some of the UK’s most notorious cold case murders, and now finds herself at the forefront of what sometimes looks like a losing battle to save the field from collapse. In 2019, The House of Lords’ science and technology committee found that a lack of funding, an absence of leadership and poor research and development means that England and Wales, once considered world leaders in forensics, are now in crisis. Gallop sees herself as one of a dying breed of scientists who have been given the training, the time and the money to solve complex crimes. Her growing fear is that she and her peers will take those skills to their graves.


Forensic science is a relatively young discipline. Its origins can be traced back to two attic rooms in Lyon, where a Frenchman named Edmond Locard, inspired by the still-fictional techniques he read about in Arthur Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes stories, opened the world’s first crime investigation laboratory in 1910. One of Locard’s core beliefs was that every contact made between two objects leaves a trace. This idea, known as Locard’s principle, is still central to forensics. Most of us are aware of the traces left by fingerprints, hairs and body fluids, but Locard’s principle goes much deeper. We give ourselves away wherever we go. We are constantly shedding clothing fibres, brushing them on to other people, picking them up in the office, on the bus, at the pub. Then there are the tiny quantities of radioactive isotopes in everything we eat and drink, which are retained in our bones, soft tissues, nails and hair. By analysing the isotopes in human bones, scientists are able to trace someone’s movements across their entire lifetime.

Today, forensic science contains a dizzying number of specialisms. Forensic entomology pinpoints time of death by examining the insects that proliferate on a dead body. Forensic ecology can tell us where a deceased person has been from pollen in their nasal mucus. Because every brand of matches uses slightly different chemicals to make their product, forensic fire investigators can track down an arsonist by finding a single match head in a burned-out building and establishing where those matches are sold.

Gallop came to forensics almost by accident. She spent much of the early 70s on the Isle of Wight, working on her DPhil about the biochemistry of sea slugs. “There were only about six people in the world who cared what I was doing,” Gallop said, a certain sadness in her voice. (She still loves sea slugs.) Hoping to apply her scientific training to something of greater consequence, in 1974, Gallop applied for a job with the FSS, which was then part of the Home Office. She got the gig, and soon began working at a lab that had been cobbled together in a grand Edwardian house in Harrogate.

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Today, forensic labs are made floor-to-ceiling of wipe-clean surfaces and all the air in every room is replaced 20 times every hour. In the 70s, things were different. “There was a marble basin in one of the bathrooms we did all our blood grouping in,” Gallop said, “and we used the ballroom for our big X-ray crystallography machine.” Scientists did not wear protective covering over their noses and mouths, which meant that when they examined blood-stained clothing they would sometimes taste iron in the back of their throats from breathing in the particulates that dried blood creates, a substance she refers to as “blood dust”. Recalling this era, Gallop seemed almost nostalgic.

Members of the Roberto Calvi inquest jury at Blackfriars Bridge in central London.
Members of the Roberto Calvi inquest jury at Blackfriars Bridge in central London. Photograph: Ted Blackbrow/Daily Mail/Shutterstock

In the early years, the work was gruelling. The police could send as much evidence to the FSS as they wanted, and the government would foot the bill. “There was so much to get through, police were sending whole wardrobes of clothing,” Gallop told me with exasperation. “And if you missed something the police could say,” – here she adopted a pompous voice – “‘Oh, you missed a spot of blood on that cardigan among the other 56 items.’”

In 1977, Gallop and her FSS colleagues moved out of the converted house and into a proper lab in Wetherby, West Yorkshire. Over the years, the facilities improved, but Gallop felt overworked and understimulated. In 1986, she decided to strike out alone. The idea for Forensic Access, her first company, was to provide genuinely expert forensic expertise to the defence. At the time, only lawyers for the prosecution had access to FSS expertise. If defence lawyers wanted to challenge forensic evidence, they could hire independent consultants, but many had no accreditation. They were, in Stockdale’s words, “hired guns”, who would say whatever they were paid to say in court. Forensic Access, Gallop hoped, would change all this. She set up a small laboratory in her own home, a three-bedroom 60s chalet-style house in Newbury. “With everything, I’ve always just thought: I’m gonna make this bloody work!” she told me with delight. “How difficult can it be?”

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The answer was: very difficult, at least at first. To drum up customers, Gallop contacted criminal law solicitors and advertised her services as a forensic biologist in the Yellow Pages. Soon she found herself fielding calls from jealous husbands who wanted her to establish whether their wives had been unfaithful: what those in the business used to call “dirty knicker cases”. Clients would bring Gallop a suspicious piece of clothing, and she would test it for semen. That was the easy part. Trickier was breaking bad news to clients. On one occasion, Gallop recalled, a client “just became incredibly tense, his knuckles were white and he was frozen in the doorway in the house. I thought, oh Jesus, he could take it out on the messenger.” After this, she had a panic button installed in the laboratory.

Little by little, Gallop built a reputation for her skill and trustworthiness. More salubrious customers arrived. In one early case, she was asked by an officer from the Department of Health to confirm that a reddish-brown smear on a cheese and tomato sandwich they examined during a restaurant inspection was human blood. (It was.) By late 1986, Forensic Access had grown enough for Gallop to hire full-time employees and move its operations out of her house and into a proper laboratory.

Recently, Gallop has started to write books about her career, in order to leave behind a record of her life’s work. Her first, When the Dogs Don’t Bark, came out in 2019 and details her early cases. A few months after we first met, I tagged along to a meeting between Gallop and her ghostwriter Jane Smith, again in the barn, where they were working on a second book, which came out earlier this year. Gallop sat flicking through an archive of case files with her pearlescent turquoise nails, happily mumbling things like “drowning” under her breath. “Marvellous case,” she said as she produced the one she was looking for, about an impaling.

Gallop has to be careful about what she puts in her books, in case they become guides for getting away with murder. Midway through this meeting, Gallop and Smith discussed an element of forensic technique that is not public knowledge. “There are one or two things we don’t want people to think too deeply about, because it would make our job a lot more difficult,” Gallop said. They decided, ultimately, that it was too revealing to include. “Maybe we just keep that one up our sleeve,” she said, tucking a case back into her file.


People who know Gallop often describe her as someone who likes people. More important for her line of work is the fact that people like her. She has needed to persuade people to use her services and to liaise successfully between the police, the lab, the court and, later in her career, the shareholders: to be a scientist, but also a canny businesswoman. Gallop has a warm, slightly goofy charm. “I do just smile when I think about her,” Deb Hopwood, an expert in hair analysis who left the FSS to work with Gallop, told me. Another former colleague, a cannabis expert called Anne Franc, recalled a series of arduous strategy meetings to which Gallop brought a Buzz Lightyear toy. When the team’s energy flagged, she would press a button to make the toy’s wings pop out and then say “To infinity and beyond!” It became a catchphrase for the team. “Once Angela’s decided to do something, then that something will happen,” said Franc.

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In 1997, Gallop set up another company, Forensic Alliance, which would offer forensic expertise to the police. By this time, it was no longer legal for the FSS to have a monopoly on forensic work for the police, and forces in England and Wales had to pay for this work out of their own budgets rather than from a central fund. “The FSS were in trouble from that point,” says Chris Gregg, a former detective chief superintendent who later went into business with Gallop. “They were having to look in the mirror and think, well, we’ve got serious competition.”

Gallop began approaching police forces with the offer of looking into their cold cases for a competitive price. Her pitch was simple: if Forensic Alliance didn’t solve the case, nobody would complain because the cases had already gone cold. But if they did, the police could take the credit. A detective at Merseyside police, David Smith, offered Gallop a particularly grim case. In 1997, a 74-year-old woman named Alice Rye had been discovered dead in the bedroom of her home on the Wirral, tied up half-naked, with a kitchen knife driven into each of her eyes. The initial investigation had failed to discover any conclusive evidence. When Gallop took on the case in 1999, her team re-examined the initial evidence and found DNA belonging to the prime suspect. He was arrested and later sentenced to a minimum of 18 years in prison. Smith was impressed. “She brought a different type of thinking,” he told me. “And it made me look good.”

Later in 1999, South Wales police asked Gallop to review a case that had remained unsolved for more than a decade. On Valentine’s Day in 1988, in a cramped, dingy flat above a betting shop in Cardiff’s docklands, Lynette White, a sex worker, was found dead. The flat was covered in blood and White had been stabbed more than 50 times.

The initial investigation had been a fiasco. In 1990, five men, all of whom were black or mixed-race, were tried for the murder, and three of them were sentenced to life in prison. One of those three, Stephen Miller, was White’s boyfriend, and had confessed to watching as his friend, Tony Paris, killed her. But two years later, their convictions were overturned. It emerged that the police, who wanted the case closed quickly, had aggressively questioned Miller on 19 separate occasions over four days and for a total of 13 hours, working him into such a state of confusion and distress that he made a false confession. The three men were released, as there was no reliable evidence to tie them to the scene of the crime. At the time, the police resisted calls for the case to be reopened, saying that the three men were still the prime suspects and that they had only been released on a technicality.

Angela Gallop, photographed in Oxfordshire.
Angela Gallop, photographed in Oxfordshire. Photograph: David Levene/The Guardian

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In 1999, when South Wales police commissioned Gallop and her team to take another look at White’s murder, it was partly because of advances in DNA techniques since her killing. “But it’s not all about new technology,” Gallop told me. “It’s finding the things to test. It’s understanding the crime scene.” In the initial investigation, some blood had been found in White’s flat that did not come from the victim or any of the suspects. Its presence had never been explained. Eleven years later, the chances of turning up new evidence seemed slim. In 1988, the police had sprayed the entire flat in luminol, a chemical used to detect blood, which has the unfortunate side-effect of destroying DNA. The flat had also been repainted twice since the murder. But Gallop thought that if they looked in the right places, they might still find blood that could yield a DNA profile. “With Angela, it’s the adage of no stone unturned,” Gregg told me. But, he added, Gallop’s greatest skill is knowing which stones to turn and when.

During their investigation, the police had removed strips of wallpaper from the bedroom where the attack took place. Gallop got hold of these strips and attached them to boards, in order to reconstruct, in her laboratory, the room. By examining the blood spatter patterns on the wallpaper, she established that any remaining blood might be found on a particular section of the skirting board in the flat, under the new layers of paint. She had the police cut out this section and bring it to the Forensic Access lab, where she asked a colleague, April Robson, to scrape away the paint. It took two weeks of delicate work with a scalpel, but finally, under the paint, was the microscopic flake of dried blood they were looking for.

That flake of blood yielded a DNA profile. Searching the DNA database did not initially produce a match, until they ran a search for people whose DNA was very similar but not identical. This search brought up a 14-year-old boy who had committed a minor crime. He was not a suspect – he hadn’t been born when the murder was committed. But the police were interested in speaking to members of his family, including a reclusive uncle named Jeffrey Gafoor. The police tracked Gafoor down and asked him for a DNA sample, which he provided. Gafoor then left the station and went to buy a lethal dose of paracetamol. But the police had him under surveillance, and were able to intercept him before he killed himself. Gafoor went on to plead guilty to the murder of Lynette White. In 2003, he was convicted and sentenced to a minimum of 13 years in prison.


By the 2000s, whenever police forces needed to commission big cold case reviews, they would call Gallop. In 2004, the Metropolitan police asked her to examine forensic evidence relating to the death of Princess Diana. Gallop helped establish that there were no grounds to support allegations by Mohamed Al-Fayed of a murder conspiracy involving the Royal Family.

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During the same period, the FSS, which had been underfunded for decades, was declining fast. Between 1997 and 2004, the organization had, under pressure from private companies such as Gallop’s, reduced its turnaround time for cases from almost a year to closer to six weeks, but this had come at a cost. “There was this change of culture whereby the forensic scientist was almost living in fear,” said Doug Stoten, who worked at the FSS at the time. “Management is on my back, I’ve got to meet my target, I’ve got to turn around this case. And a lot of the scientists thought, hang on, that’s going to impact on quality, and mistakes are going to be made.”

There were high-profile failures. In November 2000, Damilola Taylor, a 10-year-old schoolboy, was killed in Peckham, south London. The FSS did not identify evidence that could be linked to any suspect. In 2003, the Metropolitan police gave Gallop this case to review, and very quickly she and her team discovered a bloodstain on a trainer that belonged to one of Taylor’s suspected killers, a local boy called Danny Preddie. Danny and his brother, Richard Preddie, who were 12 and 13 at the time of the killing, were sentenced to eight years in youth custody on the strength of this evidence.

Sometimes the main obstacle to solving a case is money. Between 2000 and 2010, police budgets increased by 31% and they spent more on forensics. Then, during the following decade, under first the coalition government and then the Conservatives, this progress was undone. Police budgets in England and Wales were cut by 19% in real terms between 2010 and 2018, and police spending on forensics fell from about £120m to about £50m. One of the more niche approaches Gallop is skilled in, and one she’s scared we’re going to lose in the future because of its cost, is searching for textile fibre evidence, the tiny bits of clothing you leave wherever you go. This involves a process called taping, where a scientist presses strips of sticky tape all over the surface of an object, picking up tiny pieces of debris – skin flakes, clothing fibres, paint fragments, glass, soil. Then they examine each strip, millimetre by millimetre, under a microscope. It sounds simple, but it’s expensive and time-consuming. This is rarely the kind of work that police want their budget spent on. Instead, as David Halliday, an ex-FSS forensic fire investigator, put it: “Out on the ground, the police officer wants a new patrol car.”

But Gallop has seen over and over again how useful taping can be. In 2006, she was approached to work on what are known as the Pembrokeshire coastal path murders, which dated back to 1985, when Richard and Helen Thomas, middle-aged siblings, were shot in their home near Milford Haven, a port town in Wales. After the shootings, the house was burned down with the bodies inside. Four years later, a member of the public informed a local policeman that they had seen a curiously large swarm of flies on a stretch of windswept clifftop near where the Thomas’ house had been. Here, the bodies of a husband and wife, Peter and Gwenda Dixon, were discovered. They, too, had died of gunshot wounds. Both sets of killings went unsolved. But in 2005, a Dyfed-Powys detective named Steve Wilkins noticed a possible connection between these murders and a third unsolved case, the violent sexual assault of some teenagers in the same area in 1996. In 2006, he commissioned Gallop to review all three cases, because the man he suspected – John Cooper, a 62-year-old farm worker from the local area, who was serving a 14-year prison sentence for armed robbery – was due for parole.

Gwenda (left) and Peter Dixon, who were murdered on the Pembrokeshire coastal path in 1989.
Gwenda (left) and Peter Dixon, who were murdered on the Pembrokeshire coastal path in 1989. Photograph: Dyfed Powys police/PA

Wilkins, like detectives all over the country, did not have an unlimited budget for these reinvestigations. So he told Gallop and her team that they were to look for DNA evidence and nothing else. For months, they searched in the obvious places: the rope that had been used to tie Peter Dixon’s hands, items of Gwenda Dixon’s clothing that had almost certainly been handled by the killer, the swabs taken from their bodies. But they found nothing. Gallop’s team felt hamstrung. What they wanted to look for was clothing fibres that could connect garments worn by John Cooper to the scenes of the crimes.

After 18 months, Wilkins was running out of money and patience. He threatened to take the case away from Gallop, but she convinced him that they should meet in person at the police station. “They were so unpleasant,” she said, grinning. “This whole team sitting there, stony-faced.” Gallop told them that if they wanted the case solved, they needed to let her look for what she wanted to look for: fibre evidence. I asked Wilkins about his memory of this confrontation. “Oh, Angela is more than happy to argue the toss with you,” he said. As we spoke, I was reminded of something William Clegg, the QC, said to me about watching Gallop being cross-examined in court. “It’s a bit like trying to tell off a very stern headmistress,” he said, “you don’t get very far.” Gallop got her way: she would keep the case, and her team would be allowed to look for textile fibre evidence.

Whoever killed Gwenda and Peter Dixon had covered their bodies with branches from nearby trees. Gallop suspected that the reason her team had had such trouble finding DNA was because the killer had been wearing gloves. If that was right, fibres from the gloves would be on those branches. And as it happened, those branches had been sitting, unexamined, in evidence bags at Milford Haven police station for almost 20 years. On the branches, Gallop and her team found the fibres they were looking for, which they were eventually able to prove came from gloves owned by Cooper. And as a result of taping other items of Cooper’s clothing, they found a tiny flake of blood that belonged to one of the victims.

Gallop and Wilkins remember this moment distinctly. Wilkins was in the car driving home from a policing seminar in south Wales when his phone rang. “She said: ‘Steve, are you driving? Pull over,’” Wilkins recalled. Gallop told him that she and her team had found the DNA linking Cooper to the crime. “I think I actually proposed to her,” Wilkins said. Cooper was found guilty of the double murders in 2011, and is now serving four life sentences.

If they hadn’t looked for textile fibres, they wouldn’t have found the DNA. Examinations of textile fibres were also key to solving the murder of Stephen Lawrence. But tapings of evidence are being taken less and less. “Because fibre evidence is perceived to be very expensive, [it is] not used,” Bob Green, vice-president of the Chartered Society of Forensic Sciences, told me, “and yet it can be vital.”


One day last summer, Gallop gave me a tour around the main Forensic Access lab, which is located in an anonymous business park in Oxfordshire. Here, a team of 24 scientists do their daily work: examining tissue samples from victims, studying textile fibres from crime scenes, using the in-house firing range to determine how far an attacker was standing from their target, and so on. In many areas, it looks like any office – an empty Colin the Caterpillar cake box sat on one of the desks – and in others, it does not. One internal window that we passed was blacked out, and I was informed that this was because one of the scientists was usually working on “body parts” in there.

As we toured the lab, Gallop’s pride was palpable. But the shiny facilities of Forensic Access do not reflect the current state of forensic science in England and Wales, which has been getting worse for at least a decade. Even Gallop, who describes herself as an “appalling optimist”, is worried. To her, the mid- to late 00s were the high point for forensic science in England and Wales, when private companies and the FSS competed for work. But in 2012, the government closed the FSS, claiming that it was too expensive to keep running.

Many, including Gallop, view the decision as disastrous, not least because the government used to fund important forensic research through the FSS – research that is now simply not being done. They also mourn the loss of the training that used to be given by the FSS, training that Gallop herself received in her early career. “There are some people in the business who will point the finger at Angela for the demise of the Forensic Science Service, because she created another commercial provider that would go into business in opposition to it, and that’s when the rot set in,” says Niamh Nic Daéid, director of the Leverhulme Research Centre for Forensic Science at Dundee University. “I think that’s a bit unfair. But what she did do was demonstrate that a private sector laboratory could deliver services into the justice system.” Gallop has written that rather than being closed, the FSS should have been “modernised and made properly commercial”, though whether a “properly commercial” outfit would have pursued the kind of research and training that made the FSS institutionally valuable is debatable.

Stephen Miller, one of three Cardiff men wrongly convicted of killing Lynette White.
Stephen Miller, one of three Cardiff men wrongly convicted of killing Lynette White. Photograph: Martin Godwin/The Guardian

One consequence of the FSS closing is that, to save money, police forces have started to do more testing in their own forensics laboratories, rather than outsourcing the work to specialised forensics companies. The result, said Jim Fraser, a forensic scientist at the University of Strathclyde, is “a real dog’s breakfast”. Police officers, who may have no training in forensics, are often tasked with choosing which simple forensic tests to have carried out. Their options are restricted to a limited “menu” of tests, and younger forensic scientists are being trained in how to do just one or two of the tests on that menu, and not much more. “The real nadir of all this is when, instead of sending in an item for examination for blood, where the pattern might tell you something about what happened, the police cut a stain out and just send the stain in for DNA,” said Fraser. In summary, he said: “The police have completely fucked forensic science in England and Wales.”

After we left the Forensic Access laboratory, Gallop drove in her shiny, blood-red Tesla to her home in rural Oxfordshire. (“I’ve had some really, deeply nice cars,” she admitted to me later. “I like going quite fast.”) When we arrived, two sleepy Siamese cats were listening to the radio by an aga in the same shade of red as her car. As we drank tea in the garden, Gallop spoke about the wider crisis in the criminal justice system in England and Wales. Legal aid has been cut by almost half since 2005, and the courts currently have such large case backlogs that people are waiting more than a year for their cases to be heard. Meanwhile, the general quality of forensic work continues to deteriorate, as police increasingly do work that she believes should be conducted by specialists. “I don’t see how you can expect the people in the organisation that is charged with going out, finding criminals and then helping to prosecute them, to come up with independent, impartial, scientific evidence,” Gallop told me. “I think that is completely wrong.”

Sometimes all this talk of cuts and declining standards can sound rather abstract: a series of statistics, percentage decreases, laments about a lack of research that might possibly yield something at some point in the future. But the real meaning of forensic science is felt in lives saved, injustices averted, victims consoled. In February, I spoke to Damilola Taylor’s father, Richard, on the phone. He agreed to speak to me about what Gallop and her team’s work meant to him, although it still makes him distraught to speak of what happened to his little boy, more than 20 years later. Had the evidence that helped convict the killer not been found, he said, “it would have been a lifetime depression for me and my family. It helped us a lot in getting closure. In being able to move on.”

Olof Palme with swedish flag super-imposed

A few months ago, Gallop met John Actie, one of the five Cardiff men who were wrongly accused of the murder of Lynette White. He spent two years in jail. The meeting, which took place in Actie’s local park, was being filmed for a documentary that will air on Channel 5 in April. For Actie, it was a moment he will never forget. “Without Angela Gallop, my life would have been fingers still pointing at me, people nudging each other and whispering,” he told me. “She’s cleared up so much for us and our families.”

Gallop doesn’t often come face to face with the living people involved in her cases. This was the first time she’d met someone falsely accused of a crime she then solved. She found it moving and humbling. “I suppose it also made me determined to continue to do my bit,” she said. And then she went back to work.

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The long read: Forensic scientist Angela Gallop has helped to crack many of the UK’s most notorious murder cases. But today she fears the whole field – and justice itself – is at risk — Read on http://www.theguardian.com/science/2022/mar/24/queen-of-crime-solving-angela-gallop-forensic-science

Forensics: The queen of crime-solving | Forensic science — FORENSICS and LAW in FOCUS @ CSIDDS | News and Trends

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